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Will Kenyatta Family back Raila in 2022?




President Uhuru Kenyatta is torn between sticking to the pre-2013 political deal with Deputy President William Ruto and supporting ODM party leader Raila Odinga.

He is under immense pressure from some of his kitchen cabinet and the family to abandon Ruto and craft a new political arrangement with his two-time rival turned ally Raila with whom he entered a deal through the now famous handshake last March.

Although Majority Leader Aden Duale has said Uhuru will stand with Ruto in the 2022 presidential race, Mt Kenya tycoons and close associates of the President, uncomfortable with a Ruto presidency, are spending sleepless nights plotting how to ruin the DP’s dreams.

The ODM leader has had meetings with close members of the first family including Uhuru’s mother Mama Ngina, his influential uncle George Muhoho and sister Anne Nyokabi.

The larger Kenyatta family has played a major role in mending relations between Uhuru and Raila following the fallout after the August 2017 presidential race. In the March 2018 deal, Uhuru and Raila agreed to end their political war.

Events by the Kenyattas seem to be strategic and have sparked political discourse on whether the first family has settled on Raila.

On January 20, President Uhuru Kenyatta’s powerful brother Muhoho was the main guest at the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s memorial service in Bondo constituency in Siaya county.

Read: Uhuru, Raila, Moi talks fuel 2022 succession debate

The influential and reclusive businessman, the power behind the Kenyatta family business empire, was hosted by Raila in a clear show that the relationship had grown beyond Raila and Uhuru to include members of both families.

“I am not a politician, but a development-oriented person who will stick by Raila for the vision of prosperity to be realised for all Kenyans,” Muhoho said in Bondo. Observers note that only a day earlier, Uhuru was with Raila at the burial of former Youth Fund boss Bruce Odhiambo in Koru, Kisumu County.

Uhuru was in Bondo in December last year and was again hosted by the Odingas. No Nyanza MP or politician accompanied Raila on both occasions.

In a concerted effort which political pundits say could be a psychological war targeted at the Deputy President, on January 23 Raila met with two of Uhuru’s cousins – nominated senator Beth Mugo and her brother Ngengi Muigai – at his Capitol Hill office.

Details of what they discussed during the closed door meeting have remained highly guarded. Before the handshake, Mugo, the veteran city politician, was a chief critic of Raila.

“I was happy to catch up with longtime friends senator Beth Mugo and Mr Ngengi Muigai. The three of us have a long history dating back to the struggle for multiparty politics and a new Constitution in the 1990s,” Raila posted on his twitter handle after the meeting.

While Raila has been keen to defuse talk of his possible candidature in 2022, his lieutenants, including Siaya Senator James Orengo, have repeatedly said Raila will make a fifth stab at the top job.

Orengo and company are believed to be flying kites for the ODM chief.

They live in the hope Uhuru will endorse him.

“Mambo ya 2022 ni mambo ya Mungu lakini tunaona dalili nyingine hapo wewe ndio unajua, mimi sitaki niulizwe. Muheshimiwa Ruto amesema ako hapo katikati lakini wewe unajua, wewe unajua.(It is only God who knows about the 2022 race but we have seen the signs that only you (Uhuru) know. I don’t want to be asked…Ruto has said now he is in between you and Raila but it is only you who knows),” Orengo said during Uhuru’s tour of Nyanza region last month.


Read: Uhuru holds key to 2022 election puzzle, says Orengo

See also: Raila, Uhuru unity deal is 2022 game-changer

Raila and his allies are pushing for a referendum to mend the Constitution and create the position of a powerful prime minister and a ceremonial president.

ODM has made radical recommendations to the Building Bridges Initiative task force – a team that was put up jointly by Uhuru and Raila after the handshake team. The proposals include a single seven-year term for the head of state

The Building Bridges task force has started public hearings across the country and its final report could alter the country’s political terrain ahead of the 2022 General Election.

On the other hand, Ruto’s close ally Duale has maintained that Uhuru will not only support Ruto’s 2022 bid but will be the campaign manager.

Appearing on a late night TV interview on Tuesday, Duale insisted Uhuru will honour his pledge and support Ruto and disclosed what he termed as secret meetings in which Uhuru has confirmed Ruto is his man.

Duale who said he speaks only in concurrence with Uhuru and Ruto assured Jubilee supporters that Raila’s entry into government has nothing to do with 2022.

“The deal where the President will support the DP for 10 year has not changed. During our first Parliamentary Group meeting in 2013 – I am now talking as an insider – the President said when the time comes in 2022, he will be the campaign manager for DP,” Duale said during the TV interview.

He added: “In private , not once or twice, he has said he is going to support the DP. So, all these people who are making noise that the President has changed tack are wrong . The President doesn’t need to go to a political rally or TV to say his preferred candidate is Ruto. That is not what the President will do. I can tell you as a Jubilee insider that the Jubilee plan is still on course”.

But Alego Usonga MP Sam Atandi downplayed the secret meetings, maintaining Ruto will not succeed Uhuru.

The first time lawmaker said the opposition side is unmoved by claims of Uhuru’s behind-the-scenes assurance to DP.

“Whether he (Ruto) receives the President backing, he will not see State House; take that to the bank. We are not bothered with Ruto’s 2022 ambitions. We want the Building Bridges Initiative to succeed,” Atandi said.

He however stayed clear of opposition’s expectations from the Raila/Uhuru truce which some quarters have argued should end in the endorsement of Raila.

Raila, who has not openly expressed his 2022 interest, has kept the country guessing on his next move since March 9 last year.

The ODM lawmaker said unity of purpose and eradication of ethnicity and corruption is all the country is expecting from the handshake.

“A more united Kenya, devoid of ethnicity and corruption, working devolution which is beneficial to our people in terms of more resources allocation and full integration of our people into the national government,” he added.

Duale also disclosed the former Jubilee vice chairman David Murathe was pushed out of the ruling outfit after crossing the red line.

He said his negative remarks on the Deputy President were not in tandem with the party, saying he was not an ordinary member.

More on this: Luo leaders offer Uhuru PM job in exchange for Raila 2022 support

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Sordid tale of the bank ‘that would bribe God’




Bank of Credit and Commerce International. August 1991. [File, Standard]

“This bank would bribe God.” These words of a former employee of the disgraced Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sum up one of the most rotten global financial institutions.
BCCI pitched itself as a top bank for the Third World, but its spectacular collapse would reveal a web of transnational corruption and a playground for dictators, drug lords and terrorists.
It was one of the largest banks cutting across 69 countries and its aftermath would cause despair to innocent depositors, including Kenyans.
BCCI, which had $20 billion (Sh2.1 trillion in today’s exchange rate) assets globally, was revealed to have lost more than its entire capital.
The bank was founded in 1972 by the crafty Pakistani banker Agha Hasan Abedi.
He was loved in his homeland for his charitable acts but would go on to break every rule known to God and man.
In 1991, the Bank of England (BoE) froze its assets, citing large-scale fraud running for several years. This would see the bank cease operations in multiple countries. The Luxembourg-based BCCI was 77 per cent owned by the Gulf Emirate of Abu Dhabi.  
BoE investigations had unearthed laundering of drugs money, terrorism financing and the bank boasted of having high-profile customers such as Panama’s former strongman Manual Noriega as customers.
The Standard, quoting “highly placed” sources reported that Abu Dhabi ruler Sheikh Zayed Sultan would act as guarantor to protect the savings of Kenyan depositors.
The bank had five branches countrywide and panic had gripped depositors on the state of their money.
Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) would then move to appoint a manager to oversee the operations of the BCCI operations in Kenya.
It sent statements assuring depositors that their money was safe.
The Standard reported that the Sheikh would be approaching the Kenyan and other regional subsidiaries of the bank to urge them to maintain operations and assure them of his personal support.
It was said that contact between CBK and Abu Dhabi was “likely.”
This came as the British Ambassador to the UAE Graham Burton implored the gulf state to help compensate Britons, and the Indian government also took similar steps.
The collapse of BCCI was, however, not expect to badly hit the Kenyan banking system. This was during the sleazy 1990s when Kenya’s banking system was badly tested. It was the era of high graft and “political banks,” where the institutions fraudulently lent to firms belonging or connected to politicians, who were sometimes also shareholders.
And even though the impact was expected to be minimal, it was projected that a significant number of depositors would transfer funds from Asian and Arab banks to other local institutions.
“Confidence in Arab banking has taken a serious knock,” the “highly placed” source told The Standard.
BCCI didn’t go down without a fight. It accused the British government of a conspiracy to bring down the Pakistani-run bank.  The Sheikh was said to be furious and would later engage in a protracted legal battle with the British.
“It looks to us like a Western plot to eliminate a successful Muslim-run Third World Bank. We know that it often acted unethically. But that is no excuse for putting it out of business, especially as the Sultan of Abu Dhabi had agreed to a restructuring plan,” said a spokesperson for British Asians.
A CBK statement signed by then-Deputy Governor Wanjohi Murithi said it was keenly monitoring affairs of the mother bank and would go to lengths to protect Kenyan depositors.
“In this respect, the CBK has sought and obtained the assurance of the branch’s management that the interests of depositors are not put at risk by the difficulties facing the parent company and that the bank will meet any withdrawal instructions by depositors in the normal course of business,” said Mr Murithi.
CBK added that it had maintained surveillance of the local branch and was satisfied with its solvency and liquidity.
This was meant to stop Kenyans from making panic withdrawals.
For instance, armed policemen would be deployed at the bank’s Nairobi branch on Koinange Street after the bank had announced it would shut its Kenyan operations.
In Britain, thousands of businesses owned by British Asians were on the verge of financial ruin following the closure of BCCI.
Their firms held almost half of the 120,000 bank accounts registered with BCCI in Britain. 
The African Development Bank was also not spared from this mess, with the bulk of its funds deposited and BCCI and stood to lose every coin.
Criminal culture
In Britain, local authorities from Scotland to the Channel Islands are said to have lost over £100 million (Sh15.2 billion in today’s exchange rate).
The biggest puzzle remained how BCCI was allowed by BoE and other monetary regulation authorities globally to reach such levels of fraudulence.
This was despite the bank being under tight watch owing to the conviction of some of its executives on narcotics laundering charges in the US.
Coast politician, the late Shariff Nassir, would claim that five primary schools in Mombasa lost nearly Sh1 million and appealed to then Education Minister George Saitoti to help recover the savings. Then BoE Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton condemned it as so deeply immersed in fraud that rescue or recovery – at least in Britain – was out of the question.
“The culture of the bank is criminal,” he said. The bank was revealed to have targeted the Third World and had created several “institutional devices” to promote its operations in developing countries.
These included the Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies, a British-registered charity.
“It allowed it to cultivate high-level contacts among international statesmen,” reported The Observer, a British newspaper.
BCCI also arranged an annual Third World lecture and a Third World prize endowment fund of about $10 million (Sh1 billion in today’s exchange rate).
Winners of the annual prize had included Nelson Mandela (1985), sir Bob Geldof (1986) and Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1989).
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Monitor water pumps remotely via your phone

Tracking and monitoring motor vehicles is not new to Kenyans. Competition to install affordable tracking devices is fierce but essential for fleet managers who receive reports online and track vehicles from the comfort of their desk.

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Agricultural Development Corporation Chief Accountant Gerald Karuga on the Spot Over Fraud –




Gerald Karuga, the acting chief accountant at the Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), is on the spot over fraud in land dealings.

ADC was established in 1965 through an Act of Parliament Cap 346 to facilitate the land transfer programme from European settlers to locals after Kenya gained independence.

Karuga is under fire for allegedly aiding a former powerful permanent secretary in the KANU era Benjamin Kipkulei to deprive ADC beneficiaries of their land in Naivasha.

Kahawa Tungu understands that the aggrieved parties continue to protest the injustice and are now asking the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission (EACC) and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe Karuga.

A source who spoke to Weekly Citizen publication revealed that Managing Director Mohammed Dulle is also involved in the mess at ADC.

Read: Ministry of Agriculture Apologizes After Sending Out Tweets Portraying the President in bad light

Dulle is accused of sidelining a section of staffers in the parastatal.

The sources at ADC intimated that Karuga has been placed strategically at ADC to safeguard interests of many people who acquired the corporations’ land as “donations” from former President Daniel Arap Moi.

Despite working at ADC for many years Karuga has never been transferred, a trend that has raised eyebrows.

“Karuga has worked here for more than 30 years and unlike other senior officers in other parastatals who are transferred after promotion or moved to different ministries, for him, he has stuck here for all these years and we highly suspect that he is aiding people who were dished out with big chunks of land belonging to the corporation in different parts of the country,” said the source.

In the case of Karuga safeguarding Kipkulei’s interests, workers at the parastatals and the victims who claim to have lost their land in Naivasha revealed that during the Moi regime some senior officials used dubious means to register people as beneficiaries of land without their knowledge and later on colluded with rogue land officials at the Ministry of Lands to acquire title deeds in their names instead of those of the benefactors.

Read Also: Galana Kulalu Irrigation Scheme To Undergo Viability Test Before Being Privatised


“We have information that Karuga has benefitted much from Kipkulei through helping him and this can be proved by the fact that since the matter of the Naivasha land began, he has been seen changing and buying high-end vehicles that many people of his rank in government can’t afford to buy or maintain,” the source added.

“He is even building a big apartment for rent in Ruiru town.”

The wealthy officer is valued at over Sh1.5 billion in prime properties and real estate.

Last month, more than 100 squatters caused scenes in Naivasha after raiding a private firm owned by Kipkulei.

The squatters, who claimed to have lived on the land for more than 40 years, were protesting take over of the land by a private developer who had allegedly bought the land from the former PS.

They pulled down a three-kilometre fence that the private developed had erected.

The squatters claimed that the former PS had not informed them that he had sold the land and that the developer was spraying harmful chemicals on the grass affecting their livestock and homes built on a section of the land.

Read Also: DP Ruto Wants NCPB And Other Agricultural Bodies Merged For Efficiency

Naivasha Deputy County Commissioner Kisilu Mutua later issued a statement warning the squatters against encroaching on Kipkuleir’s land.

“They are illegally invading private land. We shall not allow the rule of the jungle to take root,” warned Mutua.

Meanwhile, a parliamentary committee recently demanded to know identities of 10 faceless people who grabbed 30,350 acres of land belonging to the parastatal, exposing the rot at the corporation.

ADC Chairman Nick Salat, who doubles up as the KANU party Secretary-General, denied knowledge of the individuals and has asked DCI to probe the matter.

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William Ruto eyes Raila Odinga Nyanza backyard




Deputy President William Ruto will next month take his ‘hustler nation’ campaigns to his main rival, ODM leader Raila Odinga’s Nyanza backyard, in an escalation of the 2022 General Election competition.

Acrimonious fall-out

Development agenda

Won’t bear fruit

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