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We want a revolution in Sudan; let the fascist regime fall




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Revolution has begun in Sudan as of mid-December. It is over for the current Sudan regime; there is no going back.

The world and the leadership of the African continent should take serious notice; stop the bloodshed, and extend solidarity to the country that lies right at the heart of Africa.

It has been some 30 years since the current regime took over the country through a military coup in June 1989. A combination of political Islamic elites of the National Islamic Front and ideologised military officers overthrew a struggling multiparty government under the banner of national salvation. Since then, the course of the country has changed drastically, taking a sharp turn backwards.

I was 21 at the time and I felt in my gut that our lives would never be the same again. I still remember that day in the winter of 1990, coming back to the Faculty of Education campus in Omdurman with my colleague Mubarak. I was wearing the fashion of the time: A loose skirt below the knees, short hair around my face and a short blouse ending right at belt of my skirt. Mubarak was in jeans and a wide D’Amour shirt, when we were stopped randomly by the police and taken to the police station.

We were coming from a political meeting that had taken place on campus. I was worried about the small notebook in my purse and whether Mubarak had any political documents on him.

To our surprise, the conversation the police wanted to have had nothing to do with our politics. Instead, I was interrogated about my short blouse, short sleeves, and uncovered hair. Mubarak was only questioned about his background: Where was he from, and why was a boy from Nuba walking around with a girl from central Sudan?

It was at that moment that it became obvious that we were entering a new era. The new regime undid what the ruling elites had tried to attain during the early post-colonial era, which was to establish a political system based on civil politics.

This is not to say that the earlier Sudanese governments were without their own failures. The mistreatment of the people of the South was a tragedy that would come to haunt Sudan. The democracy was fragile, and these weaknesses would come to be violently exploited by the coup of 1989.

The military coup was masterminded by the National Islamic Front (NIF), a Sudanese extension of the Muslim Brotherhood. However, the NIF was also clearly inspired by the model of the Republic of Iran, consisting of a supreme, spiritual leader (presumed to be Hassan al-Turabi) and an executive body of military and civilian politicians from the NIF leadership.

Islam has always been the symbolic focal point of the Sudanese people, the vast majority of whom are Muslim. Their faith represents who they are, and it is what brought them together as a hybrid nation. However, most Sudanese Muslims followed the North and Western African Sufi traditions, which were deeply ingrained in Sudanese identity and their approach to life.


Endurance, tolerance, spirituality and diversity are central values. To impose an alien fascist ideology such as militant Islam on Sudan was not easy. The NIF did what fascist regimes do everywhere: They resorted to violence.

Since then, Sudan has entered into a dark era in history, an era that has been marked by identity politics and religious militancy where women are demonised for their gender and the poor and ethnic minorities are excluded, humiliated, and publicly persecuted.

For 30 years the Sudanese regime has capitalised on two major pressure points to cripple Sudanese society: 1) Women and gender relations, 2) Tribalism and ethnic identity.

The regime saw clearly that those two factors were aspects of Sudanese society that remained unresolved within the boundaries of the hybrid young nation. The NIF then selected the most powerful method to inflict their polarising politics and that was through their version of Islam. And it worked.

For 30 years, the NIF controlled the country under the guise of religion. They intimidated the Sudanese people, killed and tortured critics, flogged and disrespected women and men, challenged our traditional values and faith, and spread misogyny and racism.

The regime carried out a comprehensive social and economic project based on total domination by controlling all the resources of the country. Then they effectively used the rule of law to terrorise society and integrate militant religion into Sudan’s laws and education. The laws they came up with had no grounding in the Islamic religion or tradition. The episodes of terror orchestrated by the Sudanese regime were arbitrary and continuous.

The NIF’s actions have had terrible impact on Sudan’s public services and education, and have led directly to the collapse of our country’s most important public institutions. Millions of people have fled the country, making Sudan one of the leading countries in terms of emigration. Meanwhile, the regime has been orchestrating a sequence of wars against its own people.

In Darfur in 2003, the death toll and displacements reached into the millions. As of 2011, the NIF added to their record the wars in Blue Nile and the Nuba Mountains, where they have terrorised and killed civilians for nearly 10 years.

Despite these horrors, the NIF regime portrays itself as the guardian of the Muslim faith, not only nationally but also internationally, planting seeds for Islamist terror groups such as Boko Haram and Al Shabaab.

The years of egotistical tactics, corruption, injustice and systematic violence against civilians are ending. The people have spoken and unmasked the tyrants of dogma. They cannot hide any more.

The Sudanese youth are chanting: We denounce the religious brokers. Let them fall. The regime is already falling apart, and the Sudanese are well prepared to reclaim their country.

Hala Al Karib is regional director of the Strategic Initiative for Women in The Horn of Africa (SIHA Network). [email protected]



Sordid tale of the bank ‘that would bribe God’




Bank of Credit and Commerce International. August 1991. [File, Standard]

“This bank would bribe God.” These words of a former employee of the disgraced Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sum up one of the most rotten global financial institutions.
BCCI pitched itself as a top bank for the Third World, but its spectacular collapse would reveal a web of transnational corruption and a playground for dictators, drug lords and terrorists.
It was one of the largest banks cutting across 69 countries and its aftermath would cause despair to innocent depositors, including Kenyans.
BCCI, which had $20 billion (Sh2.1 trillion in today’s exchange rate) assets globally, was revealed to have lost more than its entire capital.
The bank was founded in 1972 by the crafty Pakistani banker Agha Hasan Abedi.
He was loved in his homeland for his charitable acts but would go on to break every rule known to God and man.
In 1991, the Bank of England (BoE) froze its assets, citing large-scale fraud running for several years. This would see the bank cease operations in multiple countries. The Luxembourg-based BCCI was 77 per cent owned by the Gulf Emirate of Abu Dhabi.  
BoE investigations had unearthed laundering of drugs money, terrorism financing and the bank boasted of having high-profile customers such as Panama’s former strongman Manual Noriega as customers.
The Standard, quoting “highly placed” sources reported that Abu Dhabi ruler Sheikh Zayed Sultan would act as guarantor to protect the savings of Kenyan depositors.
The bank had five branches countrywide and panic had gripped depositors on the state of their money.
Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) would then move to appoint a manager to oversee the operations of the BCCI operations in Kenya.
It sent statements assuring depositors that their money was safe.
The Standard reported that the Sheikh would be approaching the Kenyan and other regional subsidiaries of the bank to urge them to maintain operations and assure them of his personal support.
It was said that contact between CBK and Abu Dhabi was “likely.”
This came as the British Ambassador to the UAE Graham Burton implored the gulf state to help compensate Britons, and the Indian government also took similar steps.
The collapse of BCCI was, however, not expect to badly hit the Kenyan banking system. This was during the sleazy 1990s when Kenya’s banking system was badly tested. It was the era of high graft and “political banks,” where the institutions fraudulently lent to firms belonging or connected to politicians, who were sometimes also shareholders.
And even though the impact was expected to be minimal, it was projected that a significant number of depositors would transfer funds from Asian and Arab banks to other local institutions.
“Confidence in Arab banking has taken a serious knock,” the “highly placed” source told The Standard.
BCCI didn’t go down without a fight. It accused the British government of a conspiracy to bring down the Pakistani-run bank.  The Sheikh was said to be furious and would later engage in a protracted legal battle with the British.
“It looks to us like a Western plot to eliminate a successful Muslim-run Third World Bank. We know that it often acted unethically. But that is no excuse for putting it out of business, especially as the Sultan of Abu Dhabi had agreed to a restructuring plan,” said a spokesperson for British Asians.
A CBK statement signed by then-Deputy Governor Wanjohi Murithi said it was keenly monitoring affairs of the mother bank and would go to lengths to protect Kenyan depositors.
“In this respect, the CBK has sought and obtained the assurance of the branch’s management that the interests of depositors are not put at risk by the difficulties facing the parent company and that the bank will meet any withdrawal instructions by depositors in the normal course of business,” said Mr Murithi.
CBK added that it had maintained surveillance of the local branch and was satisfied with its solvency and liquidity.
This was meant to stop Kenyans from making panic withdrawals.
For instance, armed policemen would be deployed at the bank’s Nairobi branch on Koinange Street after the bank had announced it would shut its Kenyan operations.
In Britain, thousands of businesses owned by British Asians were on the verge of financial ruin following the closure of BCCI.
Their firms held almost half of the 120,000 bank accounts registered with BCCI in Britain. 
The African Development Bank was also not spared from this mess, with the bulk of its funds deposited and BCCI and stood to lose every coin.
Criminal culture
In Britain, local authorities from Scotland to the Channel Islands are said to have lost over £100 million (Sh15.2 billion in today’s exchange rate).
The biggest puzzle remained how BCCI was allowed by BoE and other monetary regulation authorities globally to reach such levels of fraudulence.
This was despite the bank being under tight watch owing to the conviction of some of its executives on narcotics laundering charges in the US.
Coast politician, the late Shariff Nassir, would claim that five primary schools in Mombasa lost nearly Sh1 million and appealed to then Education Minister George Saitoti to help recover the savings. Then BoE Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton condemned it as so deeply immersed in fraud that rescue or recovery – at least in Britain – was out of the question.
“The culture of the bank is criminal,” he said. The bank was revealed to have targeted the Third World and had created several “institutional devices” to promote its operations in developing countries.
These included the Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies, a British-registered charity.
“It allowed it to cultivate high-level contacts among international statesmen,” reported The Observer, a British newspaper.
BCCI also arranged an annual Third World lecture and a Third World prize endowment fund of about $10 million (Sh1 billion in today’s exchange rate).
Winners of the annual prize had included Nelson Mandela (1985), sir Bob Geldof (1986) and Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1989).
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Monitor water pumps remotely via your phone

Tracking and monitoring motor vehicles is not new to Kenyans. Competition to install affordable tracking devices is fierce but essential for fleet managers who receive reports online and track vehicles from the comfort of their desk.

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Agricultural Development Corporation Chief Accountant Gerald Karuga on the Spot Over Fraud –




Gerald Karuga, the acting chief accountant at the Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), is on the spot over fraud in land dealings.

ADC was established in 1965 through an Act of Parliament Cap 346 to facilitate the land transfer programme from European settlers to locals after Kenya gained independence.

Karuga is under fire for allegedly aiding a former powerful permanent secretary in the KANU era Benjamin Kipkulei to deprive ADC beneficiaries of their land in Naivasha.

Kahawa Tungu understands that the aggrieved parties continue to protest the injustice and are now asking the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission (EACC) and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe Karuga.

A source who spoke to Weekly Citizen publication revealed that Managing Director Mohammed Dulle is also involved in the mess at ADC.

Read: Ministry of Agriculture Apologizes After Sending Out Tweets Portraying the President in bad light

Dulle is accused of sidelining a section of staffers in the parastatal.

The sources at ADC intimated that Karuga has been placed strategically at ADC to safeguard interests of many people who acquired the corporations’ land as “donations” from former President Daniel Arap Moi.

Despite working at ADC for many years Karuga has never been transferred, a trend that has raised eyebrows.

“Karuga has worked here for more than 30 years and unlike other senior officers in other parastatals who are transferred after promotion or moved to different ministries, for him, he has stuck here for all these years and we highly suspect that he is aiding people who were dished out with big chunks of land belonging to the corporation in different parts of the country,” said the source.

In the case of Karuga safeguarding Kipkulei’s interests, workers at the parastatals and the victims who claim to have lost their land in Naivasha revealed that during the Moi regime some senior officials used dubious means to register people as beneficiaries of land without their knowledge and later on colluded with rogue land officials at the Ministry of Lands to acquire title deeds in their names instead of those of the benefactors.

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“We have information that Karuga has benefitted much from Kipkulei through helping him and this can be proved by the fact that since the matter of the Naivasha land began, he has been seen changing and buying high-end vehicles that many people of his rank in government can’t afford to buy or maintain,” the source added.

“He is even building a big apartment for rent in Ruiru town.”

The wealthy officer is valued at over Sh1.5 billion in prime properties and real estate.

Last month, more than 100 squatters caused scenes in Naivasha after raiding a private firm owned by Kipkulei.

The squatters, who claimed to have lived on the land for more than 40 years, were protesting take over of the land by a private developer who had allegedly bought the land from the former PS.

They pulled down a three-kilometre fence that the private developed had erected.

The squatters claimed that the former PS had not informed them that he had sold the land and that the developer was spraying harmful chemicals on the grass affecting their livestock and homes built on a section of the land.

Read Also: DP Ruto Wants NCPB And Other Agricultural Bodies Merged For Efficiency

Naivasha Deputy County Commissioner Kisilu Mutua later issued a statement warning the squatters against encroaching on Kipkuleir’s land.

“They are illegally invading private land. We shall not allow the rule of the jungle to take root,” warned Mutua.

Meanwhile, a parliamentary committee recently demanded to know identities of 10 faceless people who grabbed 30,350 acres of land belonging to the parastatal, exposing the rot at the corporation.

ADC Chairman Nick Salat, who doubles up as the KANU party Secretary-General, denied knowledge of the individuals and has asked DCI to probe the matter.

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William Ruto eyes Raila Odinga Nyanza backyard




Deputy President William Ruto will next month take his ‘hustler nation’ campaigns to his main rival, ODM leader Raila Odinga’s Nyanza backyard, in an escalation of the 2022 General Election competition.

Acrimonious fall-out

Development agenda

Won’t bear fruit

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