A secret plot to appoint Gideon Moi as deputy president after he will have staged a spirited onslaught and piled pressure on William Ruto to step down is cooking in the pot. The happenings surrounding the DP, among them, the luring of his key supporters into the government axis of the Jubilee government supporting Uhuru Kenyatta’s wing of Kieleweke from the DP’s Tanga Tanga brigade, are part of a wider scheme and long time strategy to cut Ruto to size, and eventually, boot him from the corridors of power. Although others say that Ruto is aware of the political machinations to force him to resign and relinquish instruments of the second in power, he has decided to stay put until an opportune time.
Ruto, instead of an early resignation that could come with political ramifications on his way to stardom, has decided to wait for a late quitting of the office of DP next year, when political temperatures will be at a crescendo, to spin his political magic for a decisive comeback to claim his ride to the 2022 presidential race solely or without Uhuru. The scheme to have Ruto resign ahead of the impending cabinet reshuffle was to accommodate the faces of those perceived to be his political allies from outside Kikuyuland to deal him a political blow in the process. Currently, the DP office has been reduced to a shell and a pale shadow of its former self and he does not value it anymore as such. There are lesser activities than there were. The choice of Gideon, the Kanu chairman is informed by the idea that currently, there is no Jubilee Party elected leader from the Kalenjin community who can match Ruto’s clout in terms of resources, acumen and political mobilization.
The clandestine plot is the brainchild of advisers close to Uhuru, headed by his younger brother, Muhoho Kenyatta, to spearhead his succession in earnest, and thus eclipse Ruto’s influence. Other influential members of the strategists include former presidential adviser Nancy Gitau, Jubilee Party vice chair David Murathe, State House comptroller Kinuthia Mbugua, top intelligence service officers with a nose for intelligence gathering, and the president’s uncle George Muhoho. Jubilee party secretary-general Raphael Tuju receives directives from the president’s advisers. The beginning of the strategy to place Gideon a heartbeat away from the presidency was on May 8, when the senator led his party in signing a post-poll coalition deal with the ruling party Jubilee. Muhoho and Nancy were present during the signing of the deal, which is a pointer of its importance and significance to the president. By then, within Jubilee ranks and file fear was that if Ruto resigned as he was being pushed to, there was nobody able to succeed him.
Those mentioned as his likely successors Kindiki Kithure and former majority leader Aden Duale were all in the DP’s camp. By then, Uhuru’s serious concern was that during the Mwai Kibaki era, Kibaki’s handlers were left scratching their heads after the demise of late vice president Wamalwa Kijana. A section wanted then minister Mukhisa Kituyi, a Bukusu like Wamalwa to take the plum seat. After days of antagonizing, they landed on the elderly Moody Awori, a man who had no presidential ambitions. Others even thought Raila Odinga who was then Transport minister in the Narc government, would replace Wamalwa. Raila had mourned the late Wamalwa in Luo traditional style donned in full regalia with analysts saying that he was politically cleansing himself to succeed Wamalwa as VP. For now, Gideon is being prepared for any political eventuality in the office of the DP. The signing of the Jubilee/Kanu power sharing deal after Jubilee staged major palace coups to control the ruling party in the national assembly and senate speaks volumes.
The deal was signed by Tuju, Jubilee chairman Nelson Dzuya, Gideon and Kanu secretary general Nick Salat. In contrast, on June 17, only Murathe and Tuju attended a similar function at Jubilee Party headquarters where Wiper Party leader Kalonzo Musyoka and Chama Cha Mashinani’s Isaac Ruto inked a post-election coalition agreement with Jubilee. The absence of Muhoho and Nancy was a pointer that the Kalonzo-RutoJubilee deal was of less significance to the president as compared to that of Kanu and Jubilee. Insiders familiar with the developments revealed that the advisers had devised a strategy to pile pressure on Ruto to resign. Initial fear being that if Ruto resigned when Kanu had not entered any legally binding deal with Jubilee, and if Gideon had to be named deputy to Uhuru, someone would have moved to court to block the orchestra on legality aspect. But the deputy president, aware of the strategy, has devised a countermove where he plans to abruptly tender his resignation as DP late next year or even early 2022, to intensify his campaigns for the presidency.
The timing is also said to be based on the fact that there is no opposition in Kenya and Ruto once he jumps over, will be the face of opposition. Indeed, Ruto is said to be thanking his gods that Raila is still tied in government hoping to be Uhuru’s choice. Ruto is therefore closely eyeing Raila’s every move lest Raila backflips to the opposition before Ruto pitches tent there and lays claim and stake as the defender of Kenya’s oppressed. Ruto is aware that once Uhuru publicly picks Gideon, that will be the end of Uhuru and Raila. Yet Uhuru can not make his plans known now because he needs to keep Raila following him like the hyena that followed a man up to his home thinking that the man’s arm that was swinging would fall. The DP plans to pull a surprise by calling it quits a year to the 2022 general election, to kickstart his campaigns after launching his political party, a move the president is keen to neutralize and try to nip in the bud Ruto has reached the conclusion that his candidature on Jubilee ticket will hit a brick wall since signals point to a scenario where Uhuru will deny him the ticket.
The team fears Uhuru will use friendly Jubilee delegates to pass a resolution for the ruling party not to field a presidential candidate, but to instead go for a coalition with ODM where the premier and deputies will be reserved for it. To win more public support, Ruto while tendering his resignation will cite frustrations from Jubilee and betrayal by the president, pointing out that his resignation was necessitated by the systematic reduction of his office into a shell by the man he stood with through thick and thin. The DP will cite the designation of the presidency into executive Office of the President with him only as one of its senior officials with no role to play and the cutting down of his budget by as much as 87pc which was meant to stop him from moving around the country to commission or inspect development projects. The deputy president will further cite the continued persecution of his allies, some of whom are facing corruption charges, as another reason for stepping down since the deep state is determined to scuttle his presidential ambition.
He will further point out that after the handshake, he was robbed of the role of appointing various heads of parastatals and those he appointed were hounded out of office on flimsy grounds. Further, the DP will point at the appointment of a secretary to the Jubilee Coalition Group, Amos Kimunya before he assumed the docket of national assembly majority leader, as a move to erode his powers since the holder has much more clout within parliament than him, and serves as the link between the executive and the national assembly, a position that had been reserved for him in Jubilee’s first term. The DP will also allude to the ejection of his allies from key parliamentary committees as a bullet that was meant for him. Among those ejected from powerful parliamentary seats include Elgeyo-Marakwet senator Kipchumba Murkomen as senate majority leader, Garissa Township MP Aden Duale as national assembly majority leader, and Nakuru Senator Susan Kihika as senate chief whip. Insiders revealed that Uhuru will unleash a card by appointing Gideon, son of Kenya’s second president, Daniel Arap Moi, to replace the former Eldoret North MP as deputy president.
The choice of Gideon is informed by the fact that the senior Moi is Uhuru’s mentor who introduced him into politics and hence he owes the late president a favour. It also informed by the desire to appease the Kalenjin community as Gideon is one of them. The chance to deputize the president, even for several months, will also accord Gideon the opportunity to consolidate Kalenjin votes, and also cut a national image ahead of the elections. This might not wash though because it is unlikely Kalenjins will abandon Ruto. On the other hand, some fear that the move will anger Raila who might somersault and land at Ruto’s camp to teach Uhuru a lesson for playing games on Raila because Gideon’s elevation will be seen as giving him a gate pass to State House after Uhuru goes. Uhuru, who since the beginning of the year has been stamping his authority as the president, is now relying on his secret advisers to generate, evaluate, approve and execute major action plans which will place Gideon at a focal point in his succession, and also cut to size, the senator’s perceived competitors such as Musalia Mudavadi and Moses Wetang’ula.
Joho works on Coast 2022 lineup – Weekly Citizen
Mombasa governor Hassan Joho has renewed his war against Coast elected leaders who are perceived to be supportive of William Ruto’s 2022 Presidential bid. Currently, Kwale Governor Salim Mvurya is under siege from hostile MCAs suspected to be under instructions of Joho through county speaker Sammy Ruwa.
Ruwa has been a longtime Joho sidekick and has also acted as his legal adviser in the past. He has been fronted for governor seat twice but rejected. He is speaker for a second term. Towards the end of Mvurya’s first term, he has been a Ruto man. He has no time for Joho, insisting Kwale is not an extension of Mombasa county. In the last general elections, Joho had vowed to ensure Mvurya was defeated at the ballot. But this was never to be after the Mombasa governor fell out with Chirau Mwakwere who was a sure bet against Mvurya on the then popular ODM ticket.
After Mwakwere bolted out of ODM to Wiper, Joho turned to little known Issa Chipera as party candidate. Chipera literally became minced meat for Mvurya who easily beat him and made a comeback on a Jubilee ticket. Mvurya is grooming his deputy Fatuma Achani to succeed him in the next general election but observers say this is a tall order. Joho on the other hand is reportedly pushing Crop Development PS Hamad Boga for the Kwale seat against Mvurya’s candidate and Mwakwere. Another Ruto man on Joho’s radar is Kaloleni MP Paul Katana. Recently, the legislator was discharged as a member of the parliamentary investment committee in actions said to have the Mombasa governor’s hand.
Ironically, Katana was Joho’s PA when he served as Kisauni MP. But it appears other than fighting Katana for aligning himself with Ruto, he never wanted him to be MP in the first place. In the 2013 general election when Katana first contested and lost to little known Gunga Mwinga, there were allegations that ODM insiders had rigged him out. Currently, Joho is said to be financing the political activities of Mwinga to undermine Katana in the constituency. Katana has said severally that his cooperation with Ruto is because of the handshake between Raila Odinga and President Uhuru Kenyatta. “I’m a loyal member of ODM with full respect to my party leader. I also support the handshake and that is why I have been working with DP Ruto to further development in my constituency,” the legislator was quoted as saying.
He has also said his cooperation with Ruto is not for selfish reasons but for the benefit of his constituents. He says the DP has presided over high profile funds drives towards public projects in his constituency. The MP says some of the people fighting him have never assisted Kaloleni to move forward but wants leaders who can bootlick them.“I’m independent-minded and I work for the interest of my people who elected me and have no time for sycophancy,” Katana says. Mohammed Ali of Nyali constituency and a close ally of the DP is another one whom Joho is scheming against. He is pushing his cousin Said Abdalla aka Saido against the Jicho Pevu.
Jicho Pevu’s recent rising political profile after he filed a motion to impeach transport CS James Macharia over chaos at Mombasa port has alarmed the Joho camp. In spite of the rejection of the motion by Speaker Justin Muturi, Ali has become a hero in Mombasa. Last week, pro-Joho Mombasa MPs led by Mvita’s Abdulswamad Nassir were doing damage control. They toured the port and pleaded with the KPA management to put out a notice affirming that usage of SGR for containers upcountry was optional. This was meant to cool the heat against them after residents began collecting signatures to recall them for failing to support Jicho Pevu motion. Another Joho political foe Aisha Jumwa of Malindi constituency is politically wounded and the Mombasa governor no longer cares what she does or says. The Malindi MP’s self-inflicted woes have dimmed her 2022 Kilifi governor bid.
Fresh political formation in Siaya ahead of 2022 – Weekly Citizen
There are plans afoot to drop Alego Usonga MP Samuel Atandi from a leading role in Senator James Orengo gubernatorial campaign team. Observers point that the surprising decision was reached after it became clear that the controversial legislator was no longer appealing to the majority of voters.
There were earlier reports of an inside analysis conducted within Siaya senator campaign inner circle that hinted the disadvantages of trusting the MP with a major role yet he was also facing stiff opposition from notable politicians in the region. The development debate comes hot on the heels of a video that went viral showing the evidently intoxicated legislator dancing suggestively during a house party attended by women, as his Gem counterpart Elisha Odhiambo cheered. Weekly Citizen has established that political formations are already regrouping in Siaya ahead of 2022 general election and a section of political leaders including top ODM party officials from Alego Usonga are not happy with Atandi’s quick move to front Senator Orengo for the county’s governorship.
Area governor Cornell Rasanga has confronted the lawmaker on a number of occasions describing his early campaigns in support of Orengo as a lack of respect for his office. The protest by the governor sparked off an anti-Atandi wave as he was immediately joined by a host of formidable politicians from Alego Usonga in castigating the MP accused of overstepping his political mandate. The local ODM party leadership led by Alego Usonga branch chairman John Orwenjo, and secretary Paul Jura reaffirmed that the party had crowned Rasanga as their bona fide patron and it was, therefore, his duty to offer political direction on matters regarding his successor. The Orengo-led group which also brings together Gem MP Elisha Odhiambo and his Rarieda counterpart Otiende Amollo has been roundly accused of leading early full-scale political activities at the expense of development.
MCAs chairman Sylvester Madialo warned Atandi to stop creating confusion among voters, adding he should hold his horse and wait for the party whistle to be blown or prepare to equally lose his seat at the ballot. The leaders including Township MCA Obiero Otare, Vincent Odawa (North Alego), Judy Okumu (West Alego), Joseph Mboha (South East Alego), and Winnie Otieno (nominated) have loudly questioned how Atandi would deliver for Orengo when he is standing on a politically shaky ground. It is claimed that the Siaya senator blocked Atandi from using his chopper to escape from a crowd that turned rowdy during a food distribution to flood victims in his constituency. It is reported that trouble started after the MP barred Usonga ward MCA Madialo from addressing his voters after the food distribution. People with disabilities who had attended the event reportedly bayed for his blood after he gave them a paltry sh100 prompting Orengo to deny the lawmaker a chopper ride in fear that associating with him would jeopardize his 2022 governorship bid.
Rogue Kisumu NGO’s money minting gimmicks – Weekly Citizen
Various stakeholders and residents of Kisumu county have called upon Nyanza regional police commander Noah Mwivanda and his DCI counterpart Daniel Kipsoi, to investigate the activities of the chairman of an NGO called Magnum Environment Network Michael Nyaguti. The NGO, it is claimed, is a briefcase one with no donor funding surviving fully on extortion and threats. By last week, a victim was planning to institute private criminal charges against the NGO.
They are accusing Nyaguti of extortion and blackmail of people under the guise of encroaching on water catchment areas and flouting environmental laws failure of which he always resorts to going to courts as an interested party of the said social vice. One of the victims narrated that sometimes back, he was developing rental houses near Lake Victoria and had been given all the required documents from the county, Nema, and all relevant authorities to commence his work only for Nyaguti to appear menacing at the site with a group of people he called officials of Magnum Environment Network accompanied by some people who looked like police officers who demanded that I show them documents in regard to what I was doing. Most developers ranging from real estate to hospitable industries are saying that they are really undergoing rough times in the hands of the said Nyaguti who on most occasions is accompanied by some rogue police officers who intimidate and threaten their respective targets with arrests. The said Nyaguti had sometimes back attempted to extort Sh5 million each from former governors Evans Kidero and Jack Ranguma, together with a senior leading civil servant under the guise that they had bought land which should have been part of Lake Victoria.
When the trio was adamant that they would not give him any money, he sued them saying they had encroached on wetlands. The same Nyaguti also sued the Kisumu county government and Nyanza Golf Club which he accused of reclaiming the wetland at the mouth of River Kisat without convening a public participatory forum, as part extortion antics but his bid has fallen on deaf ears. He had also sued Kenya Ports Authority, Kisumu after the parastatal had ordered beach management units out of its land after collecting thousands of shillings from the said victims. Recently together with other activists, they stormed Western offices of Kenya Wildlife Service demanding that they investigate a ring of cartels believed to be working in cahoots with officers to defraud victims of wildlife attacks of their compensation. After his request was rejected, he called a meeting in Kisumu with some of the victims who had not been paid and tried to convince them to give him the power of attorney so that he could press them for their payment. Efforts to get Nyaguti’s comments were fruitless while a senior KWS officer said that they have a clear policy on how KWS compensates. “KWS has no agreement with anyone to peruse payments,” he said.