Group says theirs is a religion like Christianity and Islam, with strict practices and beliefs, adding that not everyone sporting dreadlocks and chanting ‘Jah’ is a Rastafarian.
What can take place in a locked house with seven Rastafarians, two journalists and several portraits of Emperor Haile Selassie? A lesson on a “misunderstood” religion, for a start.
In the spacious and well-lit workshop located along Karanja Road in Nairobi’s Kibera, with a smoothly tiled floor and ragged walls that bear a selection of artwork, the Rastafarians welcome Lifestyle into their world.
While many people in Kenya have dreadlocks, chant lines from reggae songs and smoke marijuana, the dedicated small group in the room is at pains to explain that theirs is a religion — like Christianity or Islam — with strict practices. In other words, not everyone sporting dreadlocks and chanting “Jah” (God) is a Rastafarian.
Rastafari is an Africa-centred religion, which can be traced to Jamaica in the 1930s after Haile Selassie I (1892-1975) — referred to as the king of kings, lord of lords, the conquering lion of the tribe of Judah — was coronated as King of Ethiopia.
Many of their teachings are also developed from the ideas of Jamaican activist Marcus Mosiah Garvey. Even though there are no statistics on Rastafarianism in Kenya, a BBC overview puts the global figure of people practising the faith at one million.
The Rastas of Kibera start the interview with a broad background on their faith: belief that blacks are the chosen people, following many Old Testament laws, a strict diet, smoking marijuana, growing dreadlocks, the lion symbol and red-green-gold-and-black colours.
Then they become more specific: there’s a need for more research on marijuana as it is “a harmless natural herb that has been used for millions and millions of years”; they complained of discrimination and harassment of dreadlocked people — including by security agencies who lock them out during recruitment yet “the first people to serve in the Kenyan army were Rastafari (the Mau Mau)”.
At the front of the Kibera workshop — known as Haile Selassie Africa Restoration Centre — is a shop that sells various bespoke Rasta items. The Rastafarians tell us that they have occupied the place for the past 27 years after reclaiming a dumpsite.
Of the Rastafarians in the house during the interview, 48-year-old John Wambua is the oldest — and arguably the man of the moment because of a case involving his daughter that has captured the headlines.
Rastafarian Family Elders Ras Malonza and John Wambua on January 23, 2018. PHOTO | KANYIRI WAHITO
Tomorrow, Ras Wambua and his fellow Rastafarians will be at the High Court in Milimani to know the fate of his daughter, Makeda Ndinda, who was turned away from Olympic High School in Kibera because she reported for Form One sporting dreadlocks, which she ties in a turban.
“She is 15 years old and her hair is as old as she is. She has never been shaved since she was born,” Ras Wambua says.
Despite an announcement from the Education ministry that the school has been ordered to take the girl back, Ras Wambua says no such instructions have been implemented.
“I thank the Cabinet Secretary (Amina Mohammed) for the way she spoke. But I’ve not got a phone call or any indication that I should return my daughter to school. And because the matter is in court, I’m waiting for the decision,” he says.
Observers will be watching the dreadlocks case keenly, especially after Thursday’s Supreme Court declaration in a dispute over the wearing of hijab and white long trousers by Muslim girls at a school in Isiolo. The apex court declared that the school administration had the right to determine the dress code for students.
The handling of Ras Wambua’s daughter is one among many examples of “mistreatment” of Rastafarians by the authorities, according to Ras Lojuron Jaden, 42, who the rest of the Rastafarians in the Kibera house recognised as their “prophet” and leader.
“It’s not the first time we are receiving complaints of the sort. But it’s the first time we have had the courage to take the matter to court,” says Ras Lojuron.
He adds that the Rastafarian community has been keenly reading the 2010 Constitution, especially the Bill of Rights, so as to fight against discrimination.
“For many years, our story has been told by people who are not Rasta, so there has been a lot of stigma and wrong information about our lifestyle. And it has led to discrimination,” he says.
He believes the teenage girl case “has been treated very cruelly by a government institution”, prompting the legal action.
“This is not just about Makeda, the Rasta girl. This is about the livelihood of the Rastafari community in Kenya. Are we going to go to court every year, every term, that we are sending our children to school?” he posed.
Makeda is one of Ras Wambua’s five children, and the only daughter. The first born in the family is now 24 years and he also sports dreadlocks.
“He went to primary school at Uhuru Gardens with the hair. For secondary education, he went to Lang’ata Barracks School and was also admitted without any problem,” says Ras Wambua.
Two of Ras Wambua’s children do not, however, keep dreadlocks. One of them, who is in Form Two, fell ill one time and had to be shaved.
“He hasn’t restored the hair,” says Ras Wambua.
Keeping of dreadlocks, he explains, is drawn from the sixth chapter of the biblical book of Numbers. In that chapter, God gave Moses instructions regarding people who wanted to make a special vow.
Among the things the people were not supposed to do, according to the Bible, was drinking wine or any other fermented drinks. They were also advised against drinking grape juice and eating anything that comes from grapevines.
“During the entire period of their Nazirite vow, no razor may be used on their head. They must be holy until the period of their dedication to the Lord is over; they must let their hair grow long,” says the fifth verse of that chapter.
Ras Wambua believes that, that vow is what marks a person’s transition into Rastafarianism, where one embraces the concept of livity — the recognition that Jah (God) exists within, and flows through all creatures.
He joined the religion when, as a 20-year-old in 1991, he was locked up in Nairobi’s Industrial Area Remand Prison after being found in possession of bhang.
During his two-month stay at the prison, he met two Jamaicans, whom he calls “priests”. They had been arrested in Rongai also for possession of bhang.
“I got to know the truth about Rastafari; about King David’s kingdom, which I came to discover that it’s just here in Ethiopia,” says Ras Wambua.
“If you study the lineage of Emperor Haile Selassie to King Menelik, who was a child of the Queen of Sheba and King Solomon, they had a son named Menelik I. And his lineage has up to King Selassie,” he says.
Historians, however, fault the Queen Sheba narrative and have left it to the realm of folklore, popularised by stories published in a 14th century book.
Ras Wambua says that since his conversion, he has never touched alcohol.
“You can’t find a true Rastaman or woman drunk. Taking alcohol is not in our traditions,” he says.
He has also shunned violence of any kind because it is against their teachings. The diet of Rastafari, he says, is also strict. He, for example, does not eat meat.
“God gave us teeth for eating fruits, grains and vegetables. It is animals like cats, dogs and lions that were given teeth that can tear flesh,” says Ras Wambua.
He adds: “These creatures (that we slaughter) have life and have a right to live. When you slaughter chicken, spill its blood to address your stomach’s craving, isn’t that a mistake? Rastas don’t do that.”
However, the teachings and philosophies of Rastafarians differ, especially among the three main groups of Bobo Ashanti, the Niyabinghi and the Twelve Tribes of Israel. Some of the groupings may support a thing proscribed by the other — for instance, the covering of dreadlocks with a piece of cloth.
“But all of them are unified by one thing: His Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie. The word you will get in one house is the one on another. It is not such a big difference,” says Ras Wambua.
Another man proudly proclaiming his Rastafarian faith is Ras Malonza Muyanga, 43.
Ras Malonza was born to a Catholic family in present-day Kitui County, but he remembers that he used to have a lot of questions, especially on the crucifixion of Jesus.
“Right from secondary school, I loved history and Christian Religious Education. I loved prophecy and the history of black people. So, I would connect the people of Israel, who were in slavery in Egypt, with the people of Africa who have been enslaved,” he says.
After discovering Rastafarianism, he explains, all appeared to fall into place.
“I came to realise that it’s only names which have changed, but it’s actually the African story which has been told as that of Israel people because, all along, I’ve not seen a place where white people have gone into slavery,” he says.
He goes ahead to shower praises on Haile Selassie and Ethiopia, waxing lyrical about his coronation as emperor in 1930.
“He was crowned king of kings; lord of lords; the conquering lion of the tribe of Judah; the true light of this world; alpha and omega; the beginning without end. These are not titles of a man,” he says.
The coronation of Haile Selassie is celebrated on November 2 every year and it is one of the big days for Rastafarians. They also mark the birthday of Haile Selassie on July 23 of every year.
“Redemption comes from Ethiopia, the only land in Africa which has never been colonised,” says Ras Malonza, adding that Rastafarians also celebrate September 11 as the New Year in the Ethiopian calendar.
Ras Malonza says reggae music also drew him to Rastafarianism as it is all about justice, equality and liberation.
Then there is the Mau Mau independence struggle against British colonial rule that he links to his religion.
“Mau Mau were Rastas. So, Rasta is at home in Kenya and everyone should welcome Rasta in Kenya,” he says of the independence heroes who sported dreadlocks.
Las Lojuron, their leader, has a lot more to say regarding the Rastafarians’ role in securing Kenya’s independence.
“How comes today no Rasta is allowed to serve in the army while all the ‘generals’ who fought for this country were Rastafari?” asks Ras Lojuron.
He is equally straight-shooting when asked to comment on whether Rastafarians are easy targets whenever police are hunting for those possessing bhang.
“Our message to the government is that they must put more money on research about marijuana, because many countries are already ahead of us, doing research on the benefits and ills of this plant,” he says.
In Parliament, there have been at least three efforts to have bhang legalised in Kenya, with none successful so far.
“It is discriminative that people of Rastafari faith, who have been using bhang for many years as a sacramental plant, and also for spiritual and curing purposes, are being discriminated against,” he says.
The youngest Rastafarian in the group is 22-year-old Victor Mutunga, who finished his studies at Strathmore University in June last year, where he studied for a business degree with IT.
Mutunga, whose family lives in Nairobi’s Madaraka Estate, says he started connecting with the Rastafarian family when he was in Form Three after being introduced by a friend.
His dreadlocks have just started developing, and he looks eager to have a bushy head and jaw like everyone else in the room.
Soon, our interview is over and we are ready to leave, but not before witnessing the Rastafarians chanting.
Ras Lojuron shouts: “Jah, Rastafari!”
The rest respond: “Yae!”
“Haile Selassie the almighty!”
Highlights of the group’s faith, beliefs
Ras John Wambua, Ras Malonza Muyanga and Ras Lojuron Jaden explained some beliefs of Rastafarians.
1. They observe the Sabbath
“It starts on Friday evening, because the night starts then the day follows. Friday evenings mark the preparation for Sabbath. That goes on into Saturday evening, when the Sabbath ends,” said Ras Wambua.
2. They are encouraged to read many books
“As Rastafari, we have many books. There is the Bible and books like Kebra Nagast (Glory of Kings), a 14th century compilation of legends from Ethiopia), Rastafarian Gospel, and Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie. There are many books. There is no limit on the books you can read. Knowledge comes from every side,” Ras Wambua explained.
3. They have special attachment to a certain region in Ethiopia
An area called Shashamane in the Oromia region of Ethiopia bears great meaning to Rastafarians, as this is the area Emperor Haile Selassie set aside in 1948 to allow members of the Rastafarian Movement to move to Africa from Jamaica.
Forums are usually organised there to bring together Rastafarians across the globe.
“That is where many believers go to pay homage the Rastafarian way; just like Muslims go to Mecca,” said Ras Wambua.
4. Rastafarianism celebrates freedom of a person to be him/herself
“Rasta is about maintaining the connection between the ancestors and the generation of today; because we’ve realised that our ancestors lived at a time when there was no single book that controlled the people like the Bible and the Koran do nowadays,” said Ras Lojuron.
“Rastafari is the highest spiritual way of living, which is even higher than religion, because religion has become a divisive tool used by politicians for selfish interests.
So, Rastafari comes up with a high spiritual way of life, which is being totally honest with yourself and your environment,” he added.
Ras Malonza noted that Rastafarianism is not a church but a decision by a person to know themselves.
“It’s not something you join and now you’re Rastafari. It’s a story; you have to know it yourself,” he said.
5. They hardly engage in evangelism
“As Rastafarians, we don’t preach. And we don’t collect offerings from believers. We only observe the Sabbath and keep it holy,” said Ras Wambua.
6. Their group’s name came from Haile Selassie
Emperor Haile Selassie’s real name was Tafari Makonen. Because he once held the title of “ras” or “prince”, Rastafari became the ideal name for those who began the religion in Jamaica in the early 20th century. Many Rastafarians regard Haile Selassie, the emperor of Ethiopia between 1930 and 1974 when he was deposed, as a descendant of the Biblical King David, whose kingdom was prophesied to last forever. The connection to King David is through Queen Sheba, who they believe had a child with King David’s heir, Solomon.
Bank of Credit and Commerce International. August 1991. [File, Standard]
“This bank would bribe God.” These words of a former employee of the disgraced Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sum up one of the most rotten global financial institutions.
BCCI pitched itself as a top bank for the Third World, but its spectacular collapse would reveal a web of transnational corruption and a playground for dictators, drug lords and terrorists.
It was one of the largest banks cutting across 69 countries and its aftermath would cause despair to innocent depositors, including Kenyans.
BCCI, which had $20 billion (Sh2.1 trillion in today’s exchange rate) assets globally, was revealed to have lost more than its entire capital.
The bank was founded in 1972 by the crafty Pakistani banker Agha Hasan Abedi.
He was loved in his homeland for his charitable acts but would go on to break every rule known to God and man.
In 1991, the Bank of England (BoE) froze its assets, citing large-scale fraud running for several years. This would see the bank cease operations in multiple countries. The Luxembourg-based BCCI was 77 per cent owned by the Gulf Emirate of Abu Dhabi.
BoE investigations had unearthed laundering of drugs money, terrorism financing and the bank boasted of having high-profile customers such as Panama’s former strongman Manual Noriega as customers.
The Standard, quoting “highly placed” sources reported that Abu Dhabi ruler Sheikh Zayed Sultan would act as guarantor to protect the savings of Kenyan depositors.
The bank had five branches countrywide and panic had gripped depositors on the state of their money.
Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) would then move to appoint a manager to oversee the operations of the BCCI operations in Kenya.
It sent statements assuring depositors that their money was safe.
The Standard reported that the Sheikh would be approaching the Kenyan and other regional subsidiaries of the bank to urge them to maintain operations and assure them of his personal support.
It was said that contact between CBK and Abu Dhabi was “likely.”
This came as the British Ambassador to the UAE Graham Burton implored the gulf state to help compensate Britons, and the Indian government also took similar steps.
The collapse of BCCI was, however, not expect to badly hit the Kenyan banking system. This was during the sleazy 1990s when Kenya’s banking system was badly tested. It was the era of high graft and “political banks,” where the institutions fraudulently lent to firms belonging or connected to politicians, who were sometimes also shareholders.
And even though the impact was expected to be minimal, it was projected that a significant number of depositors would transfer funds from Asian and Arab banks to other local institutions.
“Confidence in Arab banking has taken a serious knock,” the “highly placed” source told The Standard.
BCCI didn’t go down without a fight. It accused the British government of a conspiracy to bring down the Pakistani-run bank. The Sheikh was said to be furious and would later engage in a protracted legal battle with the British.
“It looks to us like a Western plot to eliminate a successful Muslim-run Third World Bank. We know that it often acted unethically. But that is no excuse for putting it out of business, especially as the Sultan of Abu Dhabi had agreed to a restructuring plan,” said a spokesperson for British Asians.
A CBK statement signed by then-Deputy Governor Wanjohi Murithi said it was keenly monitoring affairs of the mother bank and would go to lengths to protect Kenyan depositors.
“In this respect, the CBK has sought and obtained the assurance of the branch’s management that the interests of depositors are not put at risk by the difficulties facing the parent company and that the bank will meet any withdrawal instructions by depositors in the normal course of business,” said Mr Murithi.
CBK added that it had maintained surveillance of the local branch and was satisfied with its solvency and liquidity.
This was meant to stop Kenyans from making panic withdrawals.
For instance, armed policemen would be deployed at the bank’s Nairobi branch on Koinange Street after the bank had announced it would shut its Kenyan operations.
In Britain, thousands of businesses owned by British Asians were on the verge of financial ruin following the closure of BCCI.
Their firms held almost half of the 120,000 bank accounts registered with BCCI in Britain.
The African Development Bank was also not spared from this mess, with the bulk of its funds deposited and BCCI and stood to lose every coin.
In Britain, local authorities from Scotland to the Channel Islands are said to have lost over £100 million (Sh15.2 billion in today’s exchange rate).
The biggest puzzle remained how BCCI was allowed by BoE and other monetary regulation authorities globally to reach such levels of fraudulence.
This was despite the bank being under tight watch owing to the conviction of some of its executives on narcotics laundering charges in the US.
Coast politician, the late Shariff Nassir, would claim that five primary schools in Mombasa lost nearly Sh1 million and appealed to then Education Minister George Saitoti to help recover the savings. Then BoE Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton condemned it as so deeply immersed in fraud that rescue or recovery – at least in Britain – was out of the question.
“The culture of the bank is criminal,” he said. The bank was revealed to have targeted the Third World and had created several “institutional devices” to promote its operations in developing countries.
These included the Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies, a British-registered charity.
“It allowed it to cultivate high-level contacts among international statesmen,” reported The Observer, a British newspaper.
BCCI also arranged an annual Third World lecture and a Third World prize endowment fund of about $10 million (Sh1 billion in today’s exchange rate).
Winners of the annual prize had included Nelson Mandela (1985), sir Bob Geldof (1986) and Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1989).
Monitor water pumps remotely via your phone
Tracking and monitoring motor vehicles is not new to Kenyans. Competition to install affordable tracking devices is fierce but essential for fleet managers who receive reports online and track vehicles from the comfort of their desk.
Gerald Karuga, the acting chief accountant at the Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), is on the spot over fraud in land dealings.
ADC was established in 1965 through an Act of Parliament Cap 346 to facilitate the land transfer programme from European settlers to locals after Kenya gained independence.
Karuga is under fire for allegedly aiding a former powerful permanent secretary in the KANU era Benjamin Kipkulei to deprive ADC beneficiaries of their land in Naivasha.
Kahawa Tungu understands that the aggrieved parties continue to protest the injustice and are now asking the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission (EACC) and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe Karuga.
A source who spoke to Weekly Citizen publication revealed that Managing Director Mohammed Dulle is also involved in the mess at ADC.
Dulle is accused of sidelining a section of staffers in the parastatal.
The sources at ADC intimated that Karuga has been placed strategically at ADC to safeguard interests of many people who acquired the corporations’ land as “donations” from former President Daniel Arap Moi.
Despite working at ADC for many years Karuga has never been transferred, a trend that has raised eyebrows.
“Karuga has worked here for more than 30 years and unlike other senior officers in other parastatals who are transferred after promotion or moved to different ministries, for him, he has stuck here for all these years and we highly suspect that he is aiding people who were dished out with big chunks of land belonging to the corporation in different parts of the country,” said the source.
In the case of Karuga safeguarding Kipkulei’s interests, workers at the parastatals and the victims who claim to have lost their land in Naivasha revealed that during the Moi regime some senior officials used dubious means to register people as beneficiaries of land without their knowledge and later on colluded with rogue land officials at the Ministry of Lands to acquire title deeds in their names instead of those of the benefactors.
“We have information that Karuga has benefitted much from Kipkulei through helping him and this can be proved by the fact that since the matter of the Naivasha land began, he has been seen changing and buying high-end vehicles that many people of his rank in government can’t afford to buy or maintain,” the source added.
“He is even building a big apartment for rent in Ruiru town.”
The wealthy officer is valued at over Sh1.5 billion in prime properties and real estate.
Last month, more than 100 squatters caused scenes in Naivasha after raiding a private firm owned by Kipkulei.
The squatters, who claimed to have lived on the land for more than 40 years, were protesting take over of the land by a private developer who had allegedly bought the land from the former PS.
They pulled down a three-kilometre fence that the private developed had erected.
The squatters claimed that the former PS had not informed them that he had sold the land and that the developer was spraying harmful chemicals on the grass affecting their livestock and homes built on a section of the land.
Deputy President William Ruto will next month take his ‘hustler nation’ campaigns to his main rival, ODM leader Raila Odinga’s Nyanza backyard, in an escalation of the 2022 General Election competition.
As part of aggressive campaigns for his presidential bid, the DP, who views the former Prime Minister as his main challenger in the 2022 polls, will begin his tour in Migori and Kisumu in the third week of July, and thereafter Homa Bay and Siaya in the last week.
The DP has rolled out a ground operation that includes United Democratic Alliance (UDA) party and aspirants’ regional forums, regional economic forums, allowing affiliate political parties to sprout without the demand that they merge with UDA and assembling a wide array of professionals to front his presidential bid.
In a politically changed environment unlike the one in 2017 when he was an influential voice in government and the chief campaigner, DP Ruto now finds himself technically being the head of the opposition after the acrimonious fall-out with the President.
The relationship has worsened further after President Kenyatta’s truce with the ODM leader, his main challenger in the 2017 disputed presidential vote, thus alienating the DP further.
His allies say he’s building the infrastructure that will help him win decisively in the first round in next year’s presidential election.
Leading the preparations for the DP’s Nyanza tour is Mr Odinga’s former aide, management consultant and strategist Eliud Owalo, who is also the convener of the Luo-Nyanza Economic Caucus.
Yesterday, he said the DP will start his Nyanza tour in mid-July for what he termed an intensive grassroots tour aimed at campaigning for his presidential bid.
“The leader of the Hustler movement, Deputy President William Ruto, will make an intensive grassroots tour of the four Luo-Nyanza counties within the second half of the month of July.
In the two-legged tour, he will first visit Migori and Kisumu counties in the third week of July 2021 followed closely by a tour of Homa Bay and Siaya in the fourth week of July 2021,” read a statement sent to newsroom, which Mr Owalo signed.
Apart from the meet the people tour, the DP is expected to attend church services as well as continue with his economic empowerment programmes for youth and women groups.
The DP is expected to use the tour in his political opponent’s backyard to popularise his bottom-up economic model.
The region has always voted overwhelmingly for the ODM chief in the past elections.
“We want the Luo Nyanza region to lay its stake in any future governance dispensation on the basis of a responsive and feasible development agenda for our people as opposed to positions that individual members of the community will be holding in that government,” Mr Owalo said.
The DP started courting the region last year when Kapseret MP Oscar Sudi hosted more than 100 youths from Nyanza under the umbrella of “Nyanza Youth Movement for Ruto 2022” led by Mr Stephen Midenyo aka Mada and 2013 Rangwe Parliamentary candidate Everest Okambo.
A year ago, as part of a broader plot targeting the region, Mr Sudi and his Kiharu counterpart Ndindi Nyoro made a discreet visit to Bondo and Kisumu counties in what they described as “private functions” but which had a strong political inclination.
A week ago, Migori governor Okoth Obado, who is viewed as a rebel in the region, was hosted by Mr David Ruto, the DP’s brother.
The plan, Mr Sudi says, is to target the youth, women’s groups and the church to reach out to the Nyanza populace and lure a significant number of voters to join DP Ruto’s bandwagon.
“We’re reaching out to the whole country because the hustler movement is not confined to a certain region,” Keiyo South MP Daniel Rono told the Nation.
A meeting convened by Mr Owalo at a Nairobi hotel in mid-May had many former foot soldiers of Mr Odinga attending. They include those who decamped after losing ODM nominations in 2013 and 2017 elections, among them former Kisumu Governor Jack Ranguma, former Rongo MP Dalmas Otieno and former Rangwe MP Martin Ogindo.
Also in attendance was Citizen’s Convention Party (CCP) leader Grace Akumu.
UDA Secretary-General Veronica Maina told the Nation that in their recruitment drive, Nyanza is not left out. The party’s clerks, she said, are stationed in the region.
Won’t bear fruit
Mr Odinga’s troops led by Suba South MP John Mbadi have been on record saying that such meetings won’t bear fruits for the DP.
Mr Mbadi said the DP needs to understand why people of Nyanza associate with ODM and believe in Mr Odinga. The DP is also said to be making inroads in Mr Odinga’s other support bases of Western and Coast.