Politicians from the Mount Kenya region recently met to state their region’s position on various political questions. Their counterparts from the Rift Valley have also done the same.
There have also been calls for “Mulembe consciousness”, a reawakening of the Luhya nation to adopt united positions on national issues.
The progressive way the Luhya community vote—for diverse political parties and individuals, not for tribesmen—has been judged to be detrimental to the community’s well-being.
The Luhya voting culture is, in fact, the one that lives up to the constitutional ideal of mobilising on the basis of “community of interests”, not tribe.
It is instructive of the calibre of our political class that instead of educating the rest of us on the constitutional proposition on political mobilisation, they use the Luhya voting culture as a cautionary tale of how not to vote.
Others like the Kamba community, North Eastern and coastal communities are also encouraged to organise, mobilise and vote as ethnic blocks.
As a matter of fact, it is the ambition of every ethnic group to have their own party, or put more correctly, albeit crudely, to turn their ethnic group into a political party.
The reason the 2010 Constitution proposes political mobilisation based on the concept of “community of interests” is because we cannot build a country on the foundation of republican and constitutional values when we still consider ethnicity to be the primary and most important identity marker.
Before Kenya, as a unitary state, was brought into existence by the British in 1895, the different ethnicities within the territory considered themselves separate nations.
Just like the principalities of Europe before unification or the mini-kingdoms of the Indian Sub-continent before British colonisation, these ethnic nations were quite hostile to one another and constantly warring. The coming into existence of the nation-state called Kenya should have led to a new national consciousness.
A fundamental failing of new African governments was their inability to make the building of single nation-states from the mini-nations that had existed as independent entities for hundreds of years a crucial part of the nation-building project.
Instead, Machiavellian to the core, the regimes quickly realised the political usefulness of ethnic loyalty. Criticism of abuse of power and theft of resources by the ethnic elites that came to power could be explained away as ethnic hostility.
Ethnic consciousness and mobilisation, therefore, were at the heart of the Kanu regime of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi.
By the time Kanu was defeated in 2002, the country had undergone 40 years of ethnic Balkanisation. Tribal mobilisation had become built into our political culture.
Today, if someone wants to be elected to Parliament, the first order of business is to project himself as the defender of the tribe and blame complex socio-economic problems facing his community on this individual and his ethnic group.
Voting for the tribesman, people are told, is defending the tribe’s interests. This is now so ingrained in our culture that human rights crusaders or people of moral integrity stand no chance at the polls against tribal demagogues.
People like Nobel laureate Wangari Maathai or internationally renowned lawyer PLO Lumumba, who in their campaigns talked about the relationship between poverty, corruption and inefficiency, lost out to small-time tribal rabble rousers.
This political culture can only lead to underdevelopment for two reasons. First, tribal demagoguery avoids discussing the objective causes of social and economic problems. So solutions cannot be found.
Second, tribal demagoguery has an inbuilt incentive to be lazy and corrupt because people will not hold their politicians to account. After all, he/she is ‘eating’ on their behalf. Politicians will never feel the pressure to perform to high standards.
Our kind of politics is also dangerous. When people see the cause of their problems as Tribe X, then the solution entails its elimination.
The Kigali Genocide Memorial in Kigali curates decades-long profiling of an ethnic group as the cause of all the problems facing the Hutu. The same memorial museum also curates the gruesome conclusion to that tribal logic.
We must bring back the politics of class, ideology and policies, because this kind of politics operates on the basis that we are all human and our differences are only on how best to improve our human lot. Good policies, efficiency and accountable governance bring economic benefits to all.
The Kanu regime proved the opposite; that tribal politics only benefits a few ethnic elites while the vast majority of the nation remains poor.
Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator.
Covid toll on Africa has been more than lives; we have lost great talent
On June 9, at the writing of this column, the total number of reported Covid-19 cases in Africa since the pandemic began stood at 4,946,536. The total deaths were 132,983.
That was a smidgen of the cumulative 174,136,688 cases reported globally on the same day, with a horrific 3,750,423 deaths.
Second and third waves of the virus have broken out in at least nine African countries, and Africa’s vaccination score is nothing to write home about (of the nearly 2.3 billion doses administered globally by Tuesday, just over 30 million of them had been given in Africa), so the worst might just lie, but the gods have not yet deserted us.
The deaths of all the 132,983 people killed by Covid-19 in Africa — and the nearly 3.8 million in the world — are tragic. Yet there is an added blow to Africa. We are a continent where many countries have talented people across many fields, and therefore, compared to others, we are the continent that can least afford to lose them. However, we have lost many.
My labour of love is the development of a digital museum of great figures and unsung heroes of African history called The Wall of Great Africans. We just posted a profile of Linah Kelebogile Mohohlo, a Botswana economist who was Governor of the Bank of Botswana from 1999 to 2016. She succumbed to Covid-19.
Going back to March 24, 2020 with the death of the iconic Cameroonian musician Manu Dibango, the Covid toll on our finest, has been high:
- Dorah Sitole was a renowned South African chef, food writer and editor.
- Lungile Pepeta one of the most inspirational South African doctors of recent times.
- Mohamed Melehi, a Moroccan painter who helped spur an artistic renaissance in his country.
- Ahmed Ismail Hussein, Somali musician and an important figure in the country’s independence movement.
- Wilberforce Kisamba-Mugerwa, a leading Ugandan and African agricultural economist, academic and politician.
- Béchir Ben Yahmed, the Tunisian journalist who founded the influential weekly news magazine Jeune Afrique.
- Étienne Flaubert Batangu Mpesa, perhaps the most renowned Congolese pharmacist and science researcher.
- Abdul Hakim Al-Taher, Sudanese director and actor, considered the pioneer of the idea of theatre for the deaf in the country.
- Cosmas Magaya, a virtuoso of the mbira and giant of the craft in Zimbabwe.
- Charles Bukeko (Papa Shirandula) a hugely popular comedian and actor who helped transform the acting profession in Kenya.
- Djibril Tamsir Niane a Guinean historian, playwright and short story writer noted for introducing the Epic of Sundiata.
- Mababa “Pape” Diouf, a Senegalese journalist and football agent who was the president of French football club Olympique de Marseille between 2005 and 2009. He was the first black president of a top flight football club in any of Europe’s top six leagues.
- Leïla Menchari, a leading Tunisian designer and decorator who worked for Hermès as a decorator for over 50 years.
These are a handful of the more than 200 we have recorded and/or profiled. In 2023/2024, or possibly even 2026, when we reckon with what else Africa lost other than their lives, there could be a lot of red.
Charles Onyango-Obbo is a journalist, writer and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. [email protected]
AU and UN, can’t you see Africa’s looming meltdown?
The eruption of Mount Nyiragongo in Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo, has left tens of people dead. Hundreds of thousands of others have fled their homes into neighbouring Rwanda.
This latest crisis comes on top of decades-old conflicts that have killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced equal numbers. Thousands in this region need food aid every year. Periodic eruptions of Ebola, cholera and other diseases, including Covid-19, compound an already impossible situation.
In the wake of the massive humanitarian crisis caused by the eruption, the Norwegian Refugee Council declared “DR Congo is the worst humanitarian crisis of the 21st century’’. In an interview with a DRC minister, CNN’s Becky Anderson asked a point blank question: How did DR Congo, with most of the world’s mineral deposits, get to be the worst humanitarian crisis of the 21st century?
The minister lived up to the reputation of an African official when confronted with evidence of his own or his government’s monumental and criminal negligence. He gave circumlocutory excuses, stone-walled , then gave a master class in the art of subterfuge.
We cannot stop volcanoes from erupting, but we can minimise, if not totally avoid, the humanitarian crises that follow. In 2002 , another eruption of Nyiragongo killed 250 people and displaced thousands of others. You would expect that the DR Congo government learned some lessons from that catastrophe. But the fat cats who run that country, always busy lining their pockets, had learned nothing. The Goma Volcano Observatory had not been functioning optimally due to corruption. It was even unable to pay for internet connection to remote monitors or transport staff to observation points.
DRC is not the only country in Africa in which negligence and theft have led to great humanitarian crises. In Nigeria, an oil rich country, security forces — undisciplined and starved of funds — are overwhelmed by ragtag Islamic insurgents and criminal gangs. Cameroon, Burkina Faso, Chad, and the Sahel countries of Niger, Mali and Mauritania have been so weakened by decades of negligence and theft, they, too, are incapable of holding off jihadists. The truth is that without French military support, the Sahel countries would fall to the terrorists in a few months.
We have monumental humanitarian crises in the Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Somalia, Mozambique and South Sudan, and others waiting to happen in Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea and Burundi. Others like Kenya, Uganda, Congo Brazzaville and Malawi , due to the same neglect and corruption, are finding it impossible to match development to population growth. The Covid-19 pandemic has further exposed years of negligence and corruption in all of Africa, including South Africa.
The African Union and the UN can go on burying their heads in the sand, refusing to see the looming apocalyptic meltdown of the continent. Or they could begin demanding accountability from those who manage our national affairs. There remains a small window in which to act.
We’ve defeated polio, smallpox… oh, now you fear coronavirus vax!
Within a year — less even — of the pandemic hitting the world, pharmaceutical companies had come up with not one or even two but several vaccination options. The process continues to be refined as we speak, a solution in motion.
I am in awe. When… how did technology get so amazing? What else will we be capable of if we just devoted more resources to preventive measures and other global crises? I am waiting to see what will be made available in my country — Tanzania.
Not everyone feels this way. I was minding my own business in the vicinity of a conversation last year when I accidentally eavesdropped because I heard the word “vaccine” but I politely tuned out again until my hearing picked up statements like “don’t trust…” and “they might mean us harm.” I had to look up and check.
To my disbelief, it was people here in Dar talking about the vaccines being a menace to Africans and Black people in general. For real.
Give us the benefit of the doubt, I thought. This might be a minority event. There have been disinformation campaigns targeting Africans, and Tanzania in particular attracted a lot of attention from people whose motives I never fathomed. Oh, how wrong I was. Anti-vaccination sentiment has been growing, and I hear it more often than I would have imagined. This is a phenomenon.
Conspiracy theories are fascinating, the weirder the better. I like them because they are a form of storytelling about ourselves and the world that is collective in nature — hardly a conspiracy if only one person believes it. Occasionally researching them can give startling bits of obscure history, little known facts.
But in the end, as interesting as they are as a social phenomenon, I try to stay away from what they are selling. It’s the Us vs Them element that feeds our worst fears, and scared humans are bad news.
Finding genuine anti-vaccination sentiment right here at home took me by surprise. I’ll tell you where the logic fails for me: by virtue of being born here and most countries in the world, you have been vaccinated as an infant or a child. And we’ve defeated polio, smallpox… except in those small communities where people do not want to vaccinate their children against these dangerous illnesses.
Even with my frustration with our education system I have never felt that we’re anti-science. Many schools of thought are welcome here.
But then again… there is such a thing as intergenerational trauma. This nebulous “They” who are planning to take over the continent and wipe out all people of African descent… aren’t exactly fiction.
The slave trades both Atlantic and Indian Ocean? Happened. There is only half a century separating many of us from self-rule.
In the obfuscations and politicised queries about the source of Covid-19 and the doubts about the vaccines’ efficacy, this is a perfect breeding ground for a very real fear to emerge.
You know what is truly Machiavellan? Exploiting a fear. Someone seems to have found a crack in our psyche.
In the Tanzanian anti-vax campaign’s early days, a number of American social media outlets advanced a narrative which gels with that of a belief that the world is out to get Black people and we must maintain our “purity” by refusing interventions, including medical ones.
I know the shape of the anti-vax movement in its hotspots, namely the part of American society that is certifiably insane, and a few dots here and there around the world that have become infected.
But to link it to a shared African super identity and scare people into doubting vaccination? That is a level of evil brilliance that is dangerous. Can you imagine what could happen if enough people refuse any forms of preventive measures and fail to achieve herd immunity?
It is hard to stomach that, as I write this, there are countries in real distress such as South Africa, and India, which now has a Black Fungus problem on top of everything else. Both countries with which we have close ties.
Close ties. Somehow in this anti-vax discussion, regular treatment we all rely on — the doctor’s visits, the run to the pharmacy, the myriad African scientists and their work — doesn’t come up. I thought that this article was going to be about arguing against anti-vax but that would be futile. The information is out there.
Lurking underneath the surface of what seems to be a contemporary debate is actually something else I have had a hard putting my finger on but which recurs: a crack in our psyche. The unfinished project.
Is this the unending business of liberation? At what point will we have that argument, discussion, healing with each other, in addition to pointing fingers outwards for all the things that aren’t right where necessary?
If I wanted to decimate a people, especially a people exploited for centuries — well, I will tell you more next week.
Eyakuze is a consultant and blogger for The Mikocheni Report: E-mail: [email protected]