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MP’s family feud turns ugly after brother is charged




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When Joseph Mwangangi Mulyungi was arraigned in a Mwingi court on Wednesday facing three counts of stealing, nothing betrayed the intrigues of bitter family feud.

The suspect, a younger brother of Mwingi Central MP Gideon Mutemi Mulyungi, had been accused of stealing three CDF bursary cheques valued at Sh18,000.

Outside the courtroom, his sisters wailed loudly as soon as Mwingi Senior Principal Magistrate Kibet Sambu convicted the 23-year-old on his own plea of guilty and sent him to Waita GK Prison awaiting formal sentencing.

Family members are now up in arms, claiming the theft charges were not only fabricated by his influential MP brother but that he was duped to plead guilty in exchange for freedom, landing him in deeper problems.

According to Joseph’s father, Mulyungi Kithonga, 84, who stood next to his weeping daughters as his son was whisked away to prison, the MP has not been in good terms with the rest of the family.

But the legislator says he pushed for his brother’s prosecution as a means of reassuring his constituents of his zero tolerance to corruption in CDF management — and that not even his family members can get away with the theft of public funds.

However, the case marked another episode in a sequence of events that include the ageing father stripping naked and walking for a couple of kilometres in broad daylight to protest against the MP for allegedly assaulting him.

In an interview with the Sunday Nation, Mr Kithonga narrated how his action was a desperate attempt to curse the MP — an accomplished architect who served as the Secretary for Works in President Mwai Kibaki’s administration.

This was after Dr Mulyungi was alleged to have beaten up his father in a family disagreement.

“I lost my front teeth when my son assaulted me in an argument. He rained kicks and blows on me until I fell to the ground in front of his mother and young siblings. One blow landed on my mouth,” a sobbing Mr Kithonga explained.

In anger and disbelief, the father removed his clothes and walked out of his homestead towards Mwingi town with his mouth bleeding.

“As a parent, I stripped naked to condemn him. I wanted to remind all my children that I am their father no matter their physical strength or wealth,” he said

The incident, which happened in 2004, when Dr Mulyungi had been elected the Chairman of Architectural Association of Kenya, appeared to have been the start of the many disputes.

The old man was stopped by neighbours and convinced to go back home as some suggested ways of reconciling the family.

 “Since the assault, Mutemi (the MP) has never bothered to apologise to me or to initiate any form of reconciliation with me. I have since forgiven him but that incident is fresh in my memory and I still keep my four knocked out teeth,” the old man said.

Dr Mulyungi vehemently denied the accusations.


He says the claims are not new and were fabricated by his political enemies during the campaigns for the 2017 election, to discredit his candidacy, but he won.

“I am used to such propaganda, it never stopped me from winning the Mwingi Central seat,” the MP said.

But his father says had he spoken during the campaigns, the MP would not have won the election.

He said that instead of his son using his position to bring honour and blessings, the family has had to endure shame and anguish.

He said he chose to speak so that when he eventually dies, he will have set the record straight.

“The arrest of my son (Joseph) was instigated by his elder brother. He doesn’t work at the CDF office and it is illogical to steal a bursary cheque, which can only be useful to the school it is supposed to be sent to,” he said.

The strained relationship between the two forced the MP’s father to migrate to Ukasi area, on the border of Kitui and Tana River counties.

When the Sunday Nation caught up with Mr Kithonga, he was at the home of one of his daughters.

The daughter, Munanie Mulyungi, said their elder brother’s conduct was bothering the family.

“We hoped once our brother was elected to the National Assembly things would be better but instead our family has become the laughing stock,” said Ms Munanie, who added that it was important for the MP to reconcile with their father to avoid any more “misfortunes”.

Another young brother, Simon Mulyungi, called for well-wishers to help the family get legal representation to secure their brother’s freedom, saying they could not afford to hire a lawyer.

The young Mulyungi’s case happened in Mwingi only two days after the trial of another assault case opened in Nairobi.

Dr Mulyungi has been sued by his former wife, TV journalist Doreen Majala, who narrated before Ngong magistrate Alex Ithuku how she was assaulted by the MP in February last year, before he fled from their matrimonial home.

The MP was arrested but was released after spending two nights in custody.

Last year, the Mwingi Central MP was charged in a Kitui court with three counts of hate speech and offensive conduct in public, after allegedly using offensive and inciting remarks against President Uhuru Kenyatta.

The charges stated that on October 23, 2007 at Kalundu open-air market in Kitui township, while addressing a National Super Alliance gathering, he used abusive words against President Kenyatta.

The case is still ongoing and the MP is out on a Sh200,000 bond.



Sordid tale of the bank ‘that would bribe God’




Bank of Credit and Commerce International. August 1991. [File, Standard]

“This bank would bribe God.” These words of a former employee of the disgraced Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sum up one of the most rotten global financial institutions.
BCCI pitched itself as a top bank for the Third World, but its spectacular collapse would reveal a web of transnational corruption and a playground for dictators, drug lords and terrorists.
It was one of the largest banks cutting across 69 countries and its aftermath would cause despair to innocent depositors, including Kenyans.
BCCI, which had $20 billion (Sh2.1 trillion in today’s exchange rate) assets globally, was revealed to have lost more than its entire capital.
The bank was founded in 1972 by the crafty Pakistani banker Agha Hasan Abedi.
He was loved in his homeland for his charitable acts but would go on to break every rule known to God and man.
In 1991, the Bank of England (BoE) froze its assets, citing large-scale fraud running for several years. This would see the bank cease operations in multiple countries. The Luxembourg-based BCCI was 77 per cent owned by the Gulf Emirate of Abu Dhabi.  
BoE investigations had unearthed laundering of drugs money, terrorism financing and the bank boasted of having high-profile customers such as Panama’s former strongman Manual Noriega as customers.
The Standard, quoting “highly placed” sources reported that Abu Dhabi ruler Sheikh Zayed Sultan would act as guarantor to protect the savings of Kenyan depositors.
The bank had five branches countrywide and panic had gripped depositors on the state of their money.
Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) would then move to appoint a manager to oversee the operations of the BCCI operations in Kenya.
It sent statements assuring depositors that their money was safe.
The Standard reported that the Sheikh would be approaching the Kenyan and other regional subsidiaries of the bank to urge them to maintain operations and assure them of his personal support.
It was said that contact between CBK and Abu Dhabi was “likely.”
This came as the British Ambassador to the UAE Graham Burton implored the gulf state to help compensate Britons, and the Indian government also took similar steps.
The collapse of BCCI was, however, not expect to badly hit the Kenyan banking system. This was during the sleazy 1990s when Kenya’s banking system was badly tested. It was the era of high graft and “political banks,” where the institutions fraudulently lent to firms belonging or connected to politicians, who were sometimes also shareholders.
And even though the impact was expected to be minimal, it was projected that a significant number of depositors would transfer funds from Asian and Arab banks to other local institutions.
“Confidence in Arab banking has taken a serious knock,” the “highly placed” source told The Standard.
BCCI didn’t go down without a fight. It accused the British government of a conspiracy to bring down the Pakistani-run bank.  The Sheikh was said to be furious and would later engage in a protracted legal battle with the British.
“It looks to us like a Western plot to eliminate a successful Muslim-run Third World Bank. We know that it often acted unethically. But that is no excuse for putting it out of business, especially as the Sultan of Abu Dhabi had agreed to a restructuring plan,” said a spokesperson for British Asians.
A CBK statement signed by then-Deputy Governor Wanjohi Murithi said it was keenly monitoring affairs of the mother bank and would go to lengths to protect Kenyan depositors.
“In this respect, the CBK has sought and obtained the assurance of the branch’s management that the interests of depositors are not put at risk by the difficulties facing the parent company and that the bank will meet any withdrawal instructions by depositors in the normal course of business,” said Mr Murithi.
CBK added that it had maintained surveillance of the local branch and was satisfied with its solvency and liquidity.
This was meant to stop Kenyans from making panic withdrawals.
For instance, armed policemen would be deployed at the bank’s Nairobi branch on Koinange Street after the bank had announced it would shut its Kenyan operations.
In Britain, thousands of businesses owned by British Asians were on the verge of financial ruin following the closure of BCCI.
Their firms held almost half of the 120,000 bank accounts registered with BCCI in Britain. 
The African Development Bank was also not spared from this mess, with the bulk of its funds deposited and BCCI and stood to lose every coin.
Criminal culture
In Britain, local authorities from Scotland to the Channel Islands are said to have lost over £100 million (Sh15.2 billion in today’s exchange rate).
The biggest puzzle remained how BCCI was allowed by BoE and other monetary regulation authorities globally to reach such levels of fraudulence.
This was despite the bank being under tight watch owing to the conviction of some of its executives on narcotics laundering charges in the US.
Coast politician, the late Shariff Nassir, would claim that five primary schools in Mombasa lost nearly Sh1 million and appealed to then Education Minister George Saitoti to help recover the savings. Then BoE Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton condemned it as so deeply immersed in fraud that rescue or recovery – at least in Britain – was out of the question.
“The culture of the bank is criminal,” he said. The bank was revealed to have targeted the Third World and had created several “institutional devices” to promote its operations in developing countries.
These included the Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies, a British-registered charity.
“It allowed it to cultivate high-level contacts among international statesmen,” reported The Observer, a British newspaper.
BCCI also arranged an annual Third World lecture and a Third World prize endowment fund of about $10 million (Sh1 billion in today’s exchange rate).
Winners of the annual prize had included Nelson Mandela (1985), sir Bob Geldof (1986) and Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1989).
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Tracking and monitoring motor vehicles is not new to Kenyans. Competition to install affordable tracking devices is fierce but essential for fleet managers who receive reports online and track vehicles from the comfort of their desk.

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Agricultural Development Corporation Chief Accountant Gerald Karuga on the Spot Over Fraud –




Gerald Karuga, the acting chief accountant at the Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), is on the spot over fraud in land dealings.

ADC was established in 1965 through an Act of Parliament Cap 346 to facilitate the land transfer programme from European settlers to locals after Kenya gained independence.

Karuga is under fire for allegedly aiding a former powerful permanent secretary in the KANU era Benjamin Kipkulei to deprive ADC beneficiaries of their land in Naivasha.

Kahawa Tungu understands that the aggrieved parties continue to protest the injustice and are now asking the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission (EACC) and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe Karuga.

A source who spoke to Weekly Citizen publication revealed that Managing Director Mohammed Dulle is also involved in the mess at ADC.

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Dulle is accused of sidelining a section of staffers in the parastatal.

The sources at ADC intimated that Karuga has been placed strategically at ADC to safeguard interests of many people who acquired the corporations’ land as “donations” from former President Daniel Arap Moi.

Despite working at ADC for many years Karuga has never been transferred, a trend that has raised eyebrows.

“Karuga has worked here for more than 30 years and unlike other senior officers in other parastatals who are transferred after promotion or moved to different ministries, for him, he has stuck here for all these years and we highly suspect that he is aiding people who were dished out with big chunks of land belonging to the corporation in different parts of the country,” said the source.

In the case of Karuga safeguarding Kipkulei’s interests, workers at the parastatals and the victims who claim to have lost their land in Naivasha revealed that during the Moi regime some senior officials used dubious means to register people as beneficiaries of land without their knowledge and later on colluded with rogue land officials at the Ministry of Lands to acquire title deeds in their names instead of those of the benefactors.

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“We have information that Karuga has benefitted much from Kipkulei through helping him and this can be proved by the fact that since the matter of the Naivasha land began, he has been seen changing and buying high-end vehicles that many people of his rank in government can’t afford to buy or maintain,” the source added.

“He is even building a big apartment for rent in Ruiru town.”

The wealthy officer is valued at over Sh1.5 billion in prime properties and real estate.

Last month, more than 100 squatters caused scenes in Naivasha after raiding a private firm owned by Kipkulei.

The squatters, who claimed to have lived on the land for more than 40 years, were protesting take over of the land by a private developer who had allegedly bought the land from the former PS.

They pulled down a three-kilometre fence that the private developed had erected.

The squatters claimed that the former PS had not informed them that he had sold the land and that the developer was spraying harmful chemicals on the grass affecting their livestock and homes built on a section of the land.

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Naivasha Deputy County Commissioner Kisilu Mutua later issued a statement warning the squatters against encroaching on Kipkuleir’s land.

“They are illegally invading private land. We shall not allow the rule of the jungle to take root,” warned Mutua.

Meanwhile, a parliamentary committee recently demanded to know identities of 10 faceless people who grabbed 30,350 acres of land belonging to the parastatal, exposing the rot at the corporation.

ADC Chairman Nick Salat, who doubles up as the KANU party Secretary-General, denied knowledge of the individuals and has asked DCI to probe the matter.

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William Ruto eyes Raila Odinga Nyanza backyard




Deputy President William Ruto will next month take his ‘hustler nation’ campaigns to his main rival, ODM leader Raila Odinga’s Nyanza backyard, in an escalation of the 2022 General Election competition.

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