Kwale governor Salim Mvurya is scheming for his own political party months after the collapse of talks with his Kilifi and Mombasa counterparts for a similar initiative. Back in April, Mvurya together with Mombasa governor Hassan Joho and Kilifi’s Amason Kingi announced the commencement of unity talks geared towards the formation of a Coast political party. This came shortly after the three governors were invited to State House Nairobi for a meeting with Uhuru Kenyatta. Speculation was then rife that the initiative was primarily meant to neutralise and lock out William Ruto and ODM leader Raila Odinga’s Coast political support in favour of One Kenya Alliance ahead of referendum and 2022 general elections. Shortly after, Joho and Mvurya developed cold feet on the initiative following negative political reactions on the ground.
Kingi remained the lone voice pushing the agenda but could not go far as he equally threw in the towel, and loudly lamented how Coast would continue to be ruled and dominated by outsiders due to disunity. But now, Mvurya wants a political party to primarily address his succession politics as he prepares to exit from the governor seat. The county boss who is thought to be close to Ruto wants to be succeeded by his deputy of nine years Fatuma Achani. He is, however, afraid that Lunga Lunga MP, Khatib Mwashetani, who is an insider in Ruto’s camp, will automatically be picked as the first choice of UDA candidate. To ensure his deputy and other close political associates are assured of being at the ballot in 2022, Mvurya wants to own a party. It was not immediately clear if he will purchase it or form one from the scratch. Tellingly, the governor was conspicuously absent from a Coast leaders meeting convened by DP in a Kilifi recently. Ruto was at Sun-and-Sand Resort in Kilifi a fortnight ago. He met Coast leaders and professionals to champion his economic empowerment blueprint and signing of a charter on what he will do for Coast residents if he succeeds in becoming the country’s fifth president in 2022.
But even as Mvurya schemes to front aspirants through his yet to be formed political party, on the ground things are different. The Mwashetani and Lung’anzi Chai’s political camps have made serious inroads. In Kinango sub-county, which has the highest number of voters, Lung’anzi, an engineer at Kenya Ports Authority, is seen as front-runner. Mvurya is also from the sub-county. The governor has been jeered when he attempts to campaign for his deputy in the area with shouts echoing maliza uende nyumbani (finish your term and go home). Lung’anzi has also penetrated parts of Lunga Lunga subcounty represented by Mwashetani whose stronghold is Diani. Tourism PS Safina Kwekwe is also being mentioned as a candidate, so is her agriculture counterpart, Hamad Boga. Former Transport minister Chirau Mwakwere is also in the governor’s race. But critics dismiss him as a political spent force of no consequence and an elitist. For a long time, talk for Coast political alliance has been on the lips of key players. Argument has been that Coast people are tired of seeking refuge in other political formations, and time was ripe to have their own space to exercise their democratic rights.
During a public function, there was drama when a section of those present stormed the podium dancing, carrying placards calling for coastal party slogans with others displaying a huge paper ball (tufe). The ‘ball’ was placed strategically at the podium throughout the function sending a clear message to all and sundry. Teddy Mwambire, Ganze MP, was to call for meaningful engagement, and unity among leaders as the call for regional party picked momentum. Mombasa governor Hassan Joho was at the centre of attacks as being against a coastal based political outfit. The Shimo-la-Tewa ward MCA Sammy Ndago even at onetime challenged Kingi to take charge degrading Joho as having failed to help the region or its people but only his family members. The Mombasa boss presidential bid has also been dismissed. MPs Owen Baya (Kilifi North) and Michael Kingi (Magarini) are said to be opposed to Kingi push to establish a coastal vehicle for 2022 elections but a section of legislators were for Kingi . Kadu Asili and Umoja Summit Party of Kenya whose secretary general is Naomi Cidi general are among the parties being considered.
New dynamics in Luhya politics – Weekly Citizen
The newly formed Democratic Action Party of Kenya associated with Eugene Wamalwa is out to consolidate the Luhya voting bloc. The party has lined up meetings with MCAs, MPs, governors, senators and former political leaders from Bungoma, Busia, Kakamega, Vihiga and Trans Nzoia as a starting point to consolidate Luhya votes into one basket.
Faces behind the party are also reaching out to other seasoned political leaders from other communities. This comes at the backdrop of what political observers aver to be a spirited campaign for the community unity which has been elusive since the demise of former vice president Michael Wamalwa Kijana. In 2018, Eugene and Bungoma Senator Moses Wetangula buried their political differences at an event that took place at Mabanga Farmers Training College in Bungoma.
But the ‘handshake’ did not last long over what the CS handlers term as betrayal and dishonest on the part of Wetangula. Pundits argue that Eugene’s political move to form a new party is being pushed by powerful forces to tame Ford-K’s Wetangula and ANC leader Musalia Mudavadi political move and fear that dissolving their political parties now might be like writing their political obituaries.
Earlier on, supremacy wars pitting Mudavadi and Wetangula supporters on who becomes the leader of the new party and who will be the presidential flag-bearer derailed the merger. In 1997, Eugene supported the late Michael Wamalwa’s his presidential bid while Mudavadi and Wetangula supported the late president Daniel Arap Moi. Come 2013, Eugene supported Mudavadi for his presidential bid while Wetangula supported ODM leader Raila Odinga.
American billionaire to fund Ruto 2022 bid – Weekly Citizen
American billionaire famous for backing regime change across the globe, George Soros, has reportedly thrown his weight behind William Ruto’s 2022 presidential bid according to sources within the civil societies and human rights activities. Soros, the founder of the Open Society Foundations that funds human rights groups around the world – from global advocacy organisations to smaller national and local groups – has settled on Ruto as the ideal presidential candidate to bring governance changes in Kenya in line with his economic model and political philosophy. Ruto political push for dynasty change in Kenya and the recognition of the Hustler Nation has endeared him to the society.
To win Soros Open Society Foundation heart, keen observers will have noticed, the DP of late when in front of Uhuru Kenyatta as it happened during Madaraka Day celebrations last week, talked of the respect of constitutional institutions including the judiciary, parliament from the executive. Ruto and his allies have of late been defending the judiciary from executive attack. Ruto has also come out in the open to attack what he calls deep state moves to use police, an independent institution to settle political scores during by-elections and blocking meetings organised by his UDA supporters across the country. Weekly Citizen has established, Ruto’s decision to lately work with members of civil societies in checkmating the Uhuru government is part of the deal that has seen the Soros foundation favour him. Political analysts say, Uhuru’s decision to sideline Ruto in the daily management of the country has won the DP international support among those who push for regime change.
The DP of late is surrounded by human rights activists initially associated with ODM leader Raila Odinga. Notable one is former Mombasa senator Hassan Omar who served as executive director Kenya Humans Rights Commission. George Kegoro is the current executive director of Soros Open Society in East Africa (OSIEA). He was at KHRC as executive director responsible for leading efforts to advance human rights in Kenya. Ruto has also managed to penetrate the Law Society Kenya another influential body and has support of fearless prominent lawyers pushing for regime change and openly opposed to Uhuru regime. The Hungarian-born Jew billionaire Soros is a supporter of progressive and liberal political causes, to which he dispenses donations amounting to millions of dollars through his foundation, the Open Society Foundations. He has also developed an economic theory of reflexivity that allows him to anticipate the ebb and flow of financial markets and which he believes if replicated in the economic arena across the globe would lift the masses out of poverty.
Ruto’s bottom up economic model appeals to Soros. The billionaire, sources revealed, has also started channeling millions of dollars to non-governmental organisations backing Ruto’s presidential bid as well as frustrating the government’s political and social activities. The civil societies that have been receiving funding from Soros to oppose the Building Bridges Initiative among other anti-government activities include Linda Katiba which is led by economist David Ndii, Makueni governor Kivutha Kibwana, Narc Kenya Party leader Martha Karua and activist Boniface Mwangi. The BBI is seen to favour dynasties in Kenya and not masses. Ndii is now Ruto’s key adviser on economic matters and is said to be the one who coined the Hustler Movement that heavily borrows from Soros’s philosophy on awakening the masses to fight for their rights. The Hustler Movement has seen Ruto attract new fanatical following in Mount Kenya region and other parts of the country.
It is premised on the philosophy of the downtrodden using their numbers to fight for their rightful place, including remove dynasties from power. In the 2013 and 2017 general elections, Soros funded ODM leader Raila Odinga to the tunes of millions of shillings. It was the billionaire who was bankrolling the ODM street protests and rallies that included the one to kick out electoral commission bosses. Most of the protests ended up in bloodshed after the protesters clashed with anti-riot police. Soros’ name also prominently featured ahead of the rerun presidential election that took place on October 26 2017. The rerun was occasioned by the Supreme Court ruling on 1st September annulling the presidential election results of the 8th August, 2017. It is to be recalled that as the deadline for filing petitions to the Supreme Court to dispute the rerun approached, the state NGO coordination board summoned three NGOs – Inuka Kenya, Katiba Institute and Muhuri – to respond to allegations, among others, of operating without a proper licence, employing foreigners without a work permit and money laundering. The board also issued a communication directing Kura Yangu Sauti Yangu, a citizen-led coalition spearheaded by We The People, accusing it of operating illegal accounts at NIC Bank and CitiBank and receiving funding from the George Soros Foundation.
Days later, the NGOs coordination board banned operations of Kura Yangu Sauti Yangu and We The People for allegedly receiving Sh36 million from the George Soros Foundation. Days later, the board directed Central Bank of Kenya Governor, Patrick Njoroge, to freeze the accounts of an NGO associated with Raila’s daughter, Rosemary, for illegally receiving millions of shillings from Soros. The board claimed the Key Empowerment Foundation Kenya associated with Rosemary had received Sh530 million from the George Soros Foundation for political purposes, including fermenting insurrection. In the 2013 elections, Soros funded the Raila- friendly Africa Centre for Open Governance (Africog) that unsuccessfully challenged Uhuru’s win in the presidential race. The Africog officials were human rights activists Gladwell Otieno and Kegoro.
Now the billionaire has deserted Raila after the latter went to bed with the Uhuru regime. Soros is backing Ruto who despite being in power as second in command is now championing good governance and the rule of law which are key tenets the American billionaire holds sacred. For instance during Madaraka Day celebrations in Kisumu, the deputy president called for adherence to the rule of law, independence of the judiciary and other institutions. The deputy president, sounding like an reformist, said it would be an act of betrayal if Kenyans allowed ethnic bigotry and personality cults to creep into the foundation of constitutionalism and the rule of law, noting Kenyans deserve a nation built on institutions, robust legislation, a performing executive, and an independent judiciary.
Insiders added that Ruto is now advancing Soros’ gospel of political and economic liberation. The deputy president’s economic model from the top-bottom to bottom-up that seeks to remove millions of unemployed who have the will and power to take part in the transformation of Kenya also borrows heavily from Soros thinking. The model that is backed by the Hustler Movement borrows heavily from Soros gospel of empowering the masses and awakening them to use all means at their disposal to claim their rightful share of the national cake. After Raila was bought by Uhuru, Soros started funding regime change in Kenya through then Thirdway Alliance leader, Dr Ekuru Aukot. It is suspected Soros wired millions of shillings to Aukot through a woman in the Punguza Mzigo Initiative before it collapsed. Their aim was to force a referendum to change the constitution to become pro-people, as per Soros’ philosophy, but the crusade flopped after Aukot failed to gather one million signatures.
There are also reports that Soros funded then a Commissioner with Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Roselyne Akombe. Sources revealed that Akombe who works at UN, doubles up as Soros chief link for regime change in Kenya. Soros who was born in Hungary in 1930, lived through the Nazi occupation of 1944–1945, which resulted in the murder of over 500,000 Hungarian Jews. His own Jewish family survived by securing false identity papers, concealing their backgrounds, and helping others do the same. As the communists consolidated power in Hungary after the war, Soros left Budapest in 1947 for London, working part-time as a railway porter and as a nightclub waiter to support his studies at the London School of Economics.
In 1956, he immigrated to the United States, entering the world of finance and investments, where he made his fortune. Soros backed regime change in Iraq spearheaded by then US president George W Bush. Soros went further and backed overthrow of Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, Libya’s Muammar el-Qaddafi, Burma’s Gen Than Shwe and Turkmenistan’s president-for-life Saparmurat Niyazov. Through a non-governmental initiative called “Americans Coming Together” (Act), Soros tried to stop Bush in his bid for a second term as president of the United States. Soros also spent over one billion dollars promoting democracy in a Russia that was the cradle of communism. The billionaire, insiders added, is eyeing investment opportunities in Kenya if Ruto wins the presidency.
In the past, there were reports Soros wanted to buy controlling shares at Telkom Kenya through his French franchise but the move was thwarted by the government. He was also using his connections to push for the splitting of Safaricom into many companies for him to buy one of them but the move was again thwarted. Through Ruto, the billionaire hopes to make inroads in Kenya’s economy by heavily investing in critical sectors controlled by dynasties. If the move flops, he is ready to fund a revolution similar to the Ukrainian Orange movement that changed the country’s governance. The Ukranian model was adopted by Raila when he coined the Orange Democratic Movement after the 2005 Orange versus Banana referendum. The Mwai Kibaki government that was supporting the Wako Draft on the constitution whose symbol was banana lost to Raila’s orange, and this culminated in the formation of ODM which Soros had been funding until Raila turned coat.
Confusion in ANC as Uhuru keeps Mudavadi guessing – Weekly Citizen
Discontent is growing in ANC party of Musalia Mudavadi with claims that politicians have taken the party for a ride. This is following claims by a section of leaders led by Kakamega senator Cleophas Malala that they are uncertain whether Mudavadi’s close ties with Uhuru Kenyatta and his One Kenya Alliance counterparts Kalonzo Musyoka and Gideon Moi is genuine. It has also become a matter of great concern among political observers that of late, Ford-K’s Moses Wetangula has gone silent as word has it he is working on his next move in Uhuru succession.
A shrewd schemer since he was first nominated to parliament during the late president Daniel Arap Moi era, Wetangula understands the dynamics of Kenya politics well and eyes are on him. Fear is Mudavadi’s dalliance with certain faces could be his undoing. The ANC leader has met several politicians across the political divide in what has made his allies jittery. They include Kirinyaga governor Ann Waiguru. He was among prominent personalities who attended William Ruto daughter June’s wedding and he was recently ignored at the Madaraka Day celebrations in Kisumu by Uhuru, ODM leader Raila Odinga and DP Ruto.
Last week, Malala claimed a series of events happening in the country paint a grim picture of whether Uhuru values the Western region and that it is time for the ANC party to reconsider its position in the Uhuru-led government. It is in that context that the senator questioned if the ANC party should keep rallying behind the president or forge an alternative path ahead of 2022. The senator also lamented over failure by the president to recognise the ANC leader during the Madaraka Day celebrations. “I recently talked to fellow ANC leaders and told them we must now take on issues head on. Tell me who in Uhuru’s government comes from the Western region?” he posed.
He says the people of Western region are running out of patience and would wish to know what awaits them in their ties with the president. A section of ANC members in the country had wanted Mudavadi to lead the One Kenya Movement Alliance terming him as an experienced politician who can take over from Uhuru. Murang’a ANC led by Simon Gikuru recently termed Mudavadi as a humble and peaceful leader who can unite all communities in the country noting that the country currently is experiencing many divisions occasioned by ethnicity and bad politics saying the problem can be solved by electing a leader who is able to unite the country. However, they have now been left guessing on the next move Mudavadi is about to make since he continues to send mixed signals in a party that currently does not have national party officials.
At its inception 2015, the party had Kelvin Lunani chairperson, Margaret Ndanyi – executive director, Salim Busaidy – chairperson, elections board, Beatrice Adagala – chairperson, ANC women’s league, Omulo Junior – chair, ANC youth league, Nathaniel Mong’are – youth league spokesperson, Moses Oburu – representative, PwD league, Harriette Chigai -chairperson, internal disputes resolution committee and Abdi Yare, chairperson disciplinary committee. Internal wrangles are far from over although Senator Malala, Lugari MP Ayub Savula – who is the party deputy leader, Lurambi MP Titus Khamala among a few party politicians still insist all is well as the party continues to drain brains to UDA, a party that is associated with DP William Ruto.
Eliud Owalo, a man who is calling the shots at UDA headquarters, resigned on August 14 2020 as a party member. “Subsequent to the same, I’ve done the little I can within my means as an ordinary member of the party both in efforts to enhance the support base of the party as well as strategically positioning Musalia Mudavadi 2022 as a viable and feasible venture. Informed by the dictates of professionalism, I let the same to lie strictly within the knowledge confines of Hon Mudavadi and myself,” read part of the resignation letter. The letter was addressed to Mudavadi and copied to the registrar of political parties. Owalo and Barrack Muluka resigned from the party almost at the same time. Mudavadi was buoyed by a lot of opinion in January that connected Uhuru’s remarks at Mama Hannah Mudavadi’s burial at Mululu, Vihiga county to an endorsement for Musalia’s 2022 run.
Mudavadi has denied he has the endorsement of Uhuru to be his successor in 2022 saying to get the endorsement of a sitting president comes with its baggage including being seen as being imposed on the will of the voters. Mudavadi’s allies such as Savula have also been popularising this theory but their party leader says the next Kenyan president will come from the will of the voters and not endorsements but he supports remarks that other Kenyan communities other than Kikuyu and Kalenjin should be given an opportunity to produce the president. But the President also surprised many observers and politicians, and disappointed some, when he declared his handshake with Raila is a long-term arrangement that will “go into the future”.