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How murder has hit Sharon’s children




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Sharon Otieno’s daughter, aged one-and-a-half years, plays with her 51-year-old grandfather Douglas Otieno inside their humble mud-walled house.

Oblivious to the tragic events unfolding around her and, perhaps, that may alter the course of her life forever, she is reluctant to leave his side. She clings to him as if to seek his protection.

The fear of strangers is her life’s biggest concern because she is afraid of people.

Nevertheless, new faces keep trooping in and out of their home on a daily basis, as they have done for the last few weeks now, and all she can do is run to her grandfather.

She and her other two siblings will now be raised by their grandparents after their mother was killed in a most brutal fashion — raped, tortured and stabbed eight times.

“It is like we have given birth again. We are glad that we have Sharon’s three children, a boy and two girls and we will raise them to the best of our ability,” Mr Otieno – seated next to his wife Melida Auma in their first one-on-one interview with the Nation since their daughter was killed three weeks ago – says.

They say Sharon’s youngest child reminds them so much of their late daughter. “The playful toddler resembles her so much,” Ms Auma says.

Their three grandchildren bring them solace and happiness in the face of this unthinkable tragedy.

“Luckily, she has left behind a generation,” Sharon’s parents say wistfully, even though they know in their hearts that nothing on earth can replace their dead child, whose life an assassin’s cruel blade painfully took away.

Her children now spend their night at their grandfather’s bed, just so they can feel the warmth of a ‘parent’.

Mr Otieno had, since the death of his daughter, maintained studious silence. He became taciturn and reclusive, no doubt weighed down by memories of his slain daughter whom he describes as a jewel.

“I go to the Med25 International-Kenya Hospital Mortuary in Mbita where my daughter’s body is, almost on daily basis. There, I often ask the attendants to bring her body to me. I sit beside it, touching and observing it. It satisfies my heart to just see it,” he says.

His slightly tremulous voice wears a woeful timbre even though his face remains expressionless, if somewhat careworn.

“I just sit next to her. Seeing her brings me some relief. I feel good, happy and satisfied that she is still with us. Her being dead does not scare me, she is my daughter anyway and I loved her very much. Her killers have robbed me off a pearl,” he says.

Not new to medics and hospitals, Mr Otieno reveals that he worked in a hospital set-up as a clerk for more than 14 years before he was retrenched 18 years ago. His last station was Migori District Hospital, now a Level Five county referral hospital.


“As a clerk in public hospitals, I saw many bodies, some badly mutilated. The body of my daughter does not therefore scare me,” he says.

Mr Otieno is now a peasant farmer and is supported financially by his wife, who is a teacher at Rabango Primary School in Rangwe Sub-County.

Here, she lived with her daughter Sharon who commuted almost daily to Rongo University for her studies. She was a second-year student pursuing a course in medical records and information sciences.

He visits the facility that is in Mbita constituency, located over 50 kilometres away from his home in Magare village, Homa Bay County.

This he does whenever he has time to kill and, even though his daughter’s issue has drained him financially, he does not mind so much, as long as he spends time with his dead daughter.

At times he visits the morgue early in the morning while other times he stays up late into the night.

“Sharon is my child, I fathered her and she deserves all respect and love, even in her death,” Mr Otieno, whose wife sits beside him all this while, quiet and observant, just chipping in with the odd comment every once in a while, says.

“Yes, he goes to check on our daughter at the morgue. When at home, he at times forgets to go to sleep and I have to force him as late as 3am to at least go and just lay his head on the bed,” his wife says.

But though he has a busy schedule, he manages to read a copy of the Nation which he buys daily, just to keep himself abreast with what is happening with investigations into his daughter’s death.

Ms Auma got married to her husband as soon as she completed her secondary education and gave birth to their first born daughter, Sharon, months later.

Together, they have three other children, the last born being a standard five pupil. Mr Otieno says at times he feels like his intestines are being shredded to pieces as memories of his daughter weigh him down. Ms Auma says Sharon’s death has left a very big gap in their lives.

“She was very close to me; she was my confidante and friend. She knew all development plans in this family, all our pains and happiness. She kept telling us to pray for her so that she could assist us to have a decent home. I feel lonely now,” Ms Auma recounts.

She says they shared a lot with her daughter whom she viewed as her age-mate, given that she gave birth to her when still young.

She says that, in character, Sharon took after her father; a straightforward and no-nonsense person.



Sordid tale of the bank ‘that would bribe God’




Bank of Credit and Commerce International. August 1991. [File, Standard]

“This bank would bribe God.” These words of a former employee of the disgraced Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sum up one of the most rotten global financial institutions.
BCCI pitched itself as a top bank for the Third World, but its spectacular collapse would reveal a web of transnational corruption and a playground for dictators, drug lords and terrorists.
It was one of the largest banks cutting across 69 countries and its aftermath would cause despair to innocent depositors, including Kenyans.
BCCI, which had $20 billion (Sh2.1 trillion in today’s exchange rate) assets globally, was revealed to have lost more than its entire capital.
The bank was founded in 1972 by the crafty Pakistani banker Agha Hasan Abedi.
He was loved in his homeland for his charitable acts but would go on to break every rule known to God and man.
In 1991, the Bank of England (BoE) froze its assets, citing large-scale fraud running for several years. This would see the bank cease operations in multiple countries. The Luxembourg-based BCCI was 77 per cent owned by the Gulf Emirate of Abu Dhabi.  
BoE investigations had unearthed laundering of drugs money, terrorism financing and the bank boasted of having high-profile customers such as Panama’s former strongman Manual Noriega as customers.
The Standard, quoting “highly placed” sources reported that Abu Dhabi ruler Sheikh Zayed Sultan would act as guarantor to protect the savings of Kenyan depositors.
The bank had five branches countrywide and panic had gripped depositors on the state of their money.
Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) would then move to appoint a manager to oversee the operations of the BCCI operations in Kenya.
It sent statements assuring depositors that their money was safe.
The Standard reported that the Sheikh would be approaching the Kenyan and other regional subsidiaries of the bank to urge them to maintain operations and assure them of his personal support.
It was said that contact between CBK and Abu Dhabi was “likely.”
This came as the British Ambassador to the UAE Graham Burton implored the gulf state to help compensate Britons, and the Indian government also took similar steps.
The collapse of BCCI was, however, not expect to badly hit the Kenyan banking system. This was during the sleazy 1990s when Kenya’s banking system was badly tested. It was the era of high graft and “political banks,” where the institutions fraudulently lent to firms belonging or connected to politicians, who were sometimes also shareholders.
And even though the impact was expected to be minimal, it was projected that a significant number of depositors would transfer funds from Asian and Arab banks to other local institutions.
“Confidence in Arab banking has taken a serious knock,” the “highly placed” source told The Standard.
BCCI didn’t go down without a fight. It accused the British government of a conspiracy to bring down the Pakistani-run bank.  The Sheikh was said to be furious and would later engage in a protracted legal battle with the British.
“It looks to us like a Western plot to eliminate a successful Muslim-run Third World Bank. We know that it often acted unethically. But that is no excuse for putting it out of business, especially as the Sultan of Abu Dhabi had agreed to a restructuring plan,” said a spokesperson for British Asians.
A CBK statement signed by then-Deputy Governor Wanjohi Murithi said it was keenly monitoring affairs of the mother bank and would go to lengths to protect Kenyan depositors.
“In this respect, the CBK has sought and obtained the assurance of the branch’s management that the interests of depositors are not put at risk by the difficulties facing the parent company and that the bank will meet any withdrawal instructions by depositors in the normal course of business,” said Mr Murithi.
CBK added that it had maintained surveillance of the local branch and was satisfied with its solvency and liquidity.
This was meant to stop Kenyans from making panic withdrawals.
For instance, armed policemen would be deployed at the bank’s Nairobi branch on Koinange Street after the bank had announced it would shut its Kenyan operations.
In Britain, thousands of businesses owned by British Asians were on the verge of financial ruin following the closure of BCCI.
Their firms held almost half of the 120,000 bank accounts registered with BCCI in Britain. 
The African Development Bank was also not spared from this mess, with the bulk of its funds deposited and BCCI and stood to lose every coin.
Criminal culture
In Britain, local authorities from Scotland to the Channel Islands are said to have lost over £100 million (Sh15.2 billion in today’s exchange rate).
The biggest puzzle remained how BCCI was allowed by BoE and other monetary regulation authorities globally to reach such levels of fraudulence.
This was despite the bank being under tight watch owing to the conviction of some of its executives on narcotics laundering charges in the US.
Coast politician, the late Shariff Nassir, would claim that five primary schools in Mombasa lost nearly Sh1 million and appealed to then Education Minister George Saitoti to help recover the savings. Then BoE Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton condemned it as so deeply immersed in fraud that rescue or recovery – at least in Britain – was out of the question.
“The culture of the bank is criminal,” he said. The bank was revealed to have targeted the Third World and had created several “institutional devices” to promote its operations in developing countries.
These included the Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies, a British-registered charity.
“It allowed it to cultivate high-level contacts among international statesmen,” reported The Observer, a British newspaper.
BCCI also arranged an annual Third World lecture and a Third World prize endowment fund of about $10 million (Sh1 billion in today’s exchange rate).
Winners of the annual prize had included Nelson Mandela (1985), sir Bob Geldof (1986) and Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1989).
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Agricultural Development Corporation Chief Accountant Gerald Karuga on the Spot Over Fraud –




Gerald Karuga, the acting chief accountant at the Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), is on the spot over fraud in land dealings.

ADC was established in 1965 through an Act of Parliament Cap 346 to facilitate the land transfer programme from European settlers to locals after Kenya gained independence.

Karuga is under fire for allegedly aiding a former powerful permanent secretary in the KANU era Benjamin Kipkulei to deprive ADC beneficiaries of their land in Naivasha.

Kahawa Tungu understands that the aggrieved parties continue to protest the injustice and are now asking the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission (EACC) and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe Karuga.

A source who spoke to Weekly Citizen publication revealed that Managing Director Mohammed Dulle is also involved in the mess at ADC.

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Dulle is accused of sidelining a section of staffers in the parastatal.

The sources at ADC intimated that Karuga has been placed strategically at ADC to safeguard interests of many people who acquired the corporations’ land as “donations” from former President Daniel Arap Moi.

Despite working at ADC for many years Karuga has never been transferred, a trend that has raised eyebrows.

“Karuga has worked here for more than 30 years and unlike other senior officers in other parastatals who are transferred after promotion or moved to different ministries, for him, he has stuck here for all these years and we highly suspect that he is aiding people who were dished out with big chunks of land belonging to the corporation in different parts of the country,” said the source.

In the case of Karuga safeguarding Kipkulei’s interests, workers at the parastatals and the victims who claim to have lost their land in Naivasha revealed that during the Moi regime some senior officials used dubious means to register people as beneficiaries of land without their knowledge and later on colluded with rogue land officials at the Ministry of Lands to acquire title deeds in their names instead of those of the benefactors.

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“We have information that Karuga has benefitted much from Kipkulei through helping him and this can be proved by the fact that since the matter of the Naivasha land began, he has been seen changing and buying high-end vehicles that many people of his rank in government can’t afford to buy or maintain,” the source added.

“He is even building a big apartment for rent in Ruiru town.”

The wealthy officer is valued at over Sh1.5 billion in prime properties and real estate.

Last month, more than 100 squatters caused scenes in Naivasha after raiding a private firm owned by Kipkulei.

The squatters, who claimed to have lived on the land for more than 40 years, were protesting take over of the land by a private developer who had allegedly bought the land from the former PS.

They pulled down a three-kilometre fence that the private developed had erected.

The squatters claimed that the former PS had not informed them that he had sold the land and that the developer was spraying harmful chemicals on the grass affecting their livestock and homes built on a section of the land.

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Naivasha Deputy County Commissioner Kisilu Mutua later issued a statement warning the squatters against encroaching on Kipkuleir’s land.

“They are illegally invading private land. We shall not allow the rule of the jungle to take root,” warned Mutua.

Meanwhile, a parliamentary committee recently demanded to know identities of 10 faceless people who grabbed 30,350 acres of land belonging to the parastatal, exposing the rot at the corporation.

ADC Chairman Nick Salat, who doubles up as the KANU party Secretary-General, denied knowledge of the individuals and has asked DCI to probe the matter.

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William Ruto eyes Raila Odinga Nyanza backyard




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