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From impregnating his uncle’s wife to sleeping with niece and watchman’s daughter! This is the darkest side of Ababu Namwamba

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Ababu Namwamba’s uncle, cousin and a Catholic priest have come out to expose him. Their revelations describe a randy man who get in incestuous relationships for sexual gratification.

A shocking story on the Nairobian reveals the dark side of the Chief Administrative Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Ababu Namwamba.

Daniel Namwamba (Ababu’s uncle), Engineer Johnson Wasimba (Ababu’s cousin) and Father David Olusi reveal some of the sickening things Ababu Namwamba has ever done.

Ababu Namwamba

Impregnate uncle’s wife

Daniel Namwamba says Ababu impregnated the wife of Johnny Namwamba – his other uncle. Daniel reveals that the family only discovered this while Ababu was a student at UoN.

Daniel further reveals that Johnny’s wife Margaret later on left her husband. She gave birth to a girl.

“Ababu was then a high school student at Kolanya Boys. We realised what had happened when Ababu was at the university,” said Daniel.

 Sleeping with niece

Daniel also reveals that Ababu slept with his own niece. He says the former Budalang’i MP was living with his sister Agnes (while he was a student at UoN in 1995) when he received disturbing reports from her daughter (Ababu’s niece).

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The matter was settled at the family level. Ababu fled and found refuge in his uncle Daniel’s house in Nairobi’s Huruma estate for eight months.

“I was drinking at a popular bar in the city when Agnes’ husband came looking for me. He was angry and told me that he had been looking for Ababu, whom he understood was living in my house. He insisted that I had to take him to my house, which was rather worrying as it was very late at night. Then he showed me a Somali sword that he was carrying. But I prevailed upon him to drop his intentions. I could not believe the shocking news and couldn’t wait to get home to kick out Ababu from my house. Fortunately, he got a hostel and moved out,” says Daniel.

Avoid your uncle

Ababu cousin Engineer Johnson Wasimba tells the Nairobian that he has blacklisted the Foreign Affairs CAS from his daughters.

“I have daughters in university, and never in my life did I think I would tell my children to avoid their uncle. But yes, I have warned my daughters to avoid Ababu. No one is safe around him. People are afraid to speak about these things, yet they know it’s wrong. They are afraid because they are poor and take handouts from Ababa,” says Johnson Wasimba.

Impregnate watchman’s daughter

Father Davis Olusi claims that Ababu Namwamba knocked up his watchman’s daughter. The Father says Ababu’s immorality must be condemned without any fear.

“I know he impregnated his watchman’s daughter. This type of immorality must be condemned,” says Father Davis Olusi .

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Marching towards an equitable economic recovery in eastern and southern Africa

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By HUMBERTO LOPEZ

The coming months will be challenging, but also present opportunity to implement reforms and interventions that contribute to long term and inclusive growth

Covid-19 has reversed the downward trend in global poverty for the first time in a generation. Global poverty is projected to push more than 100 million people into extreme poverty of which one-third are in sub-Saharan Africa where 40 per cent of the population already lives in extreme poverty.

Even if we witness an economic recovery globally this year, we cannot expect a dramatic reversal in poverty levels due to the long-term damage caused by Covid-19. The pandemic is expected to reduce global potential growth and require, going forward, fiscal adjustments to tackle the increasing debt levels in many eastern and southern African countries. The coming months present an opportunity to implement reforms and interventions that contribute to long term growth that is more inclusive.

Vaccination campaigns in the region must remain a priority if countries are to reach herd immunity (70 per cent of population vaccinated) that will make it is possible to relax social distancing and mobility restrictions and start reactivating their economies. The World Bank is a steadfast partner with these countries to support these efforts.

In Rwanda, we recently approved a $30 million operation (half are grants) to acquire and deploy Covid-19 vaccines for 1.3 million people. This is one of the three vaccine operations already approved (the other two are for Ethiopia and Eswatini) and are part of the 16 under preparation in the region.

Infrastructure and trade

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Just as we have fast-tracked the Covid-19 response, we must fast-track the building blocks of sustainable infrastructure investment.

This means governments should work to attain robust legal frameworks, transparency, and regulatory certainty for infrastructure sectors.

These lynchpins will attract additional private investment in infrastructure, providing the fiscal stimulus and jobs countries need. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, we are working with the authorities using resources of a $500 million operation (half are grants) to expand and improve the existing infrastructure, as well as to create socio-economic opportunities for the population through the provision of temporary employment and skills training.

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Another example of where countries rely on public infrastructure for economic recovery is the joint effort of the Horn of Africa that intends to upgrade roads in key trade corridors starting with the Isiolo-Mandera in Kenya.

It is being supported by a $750 million operation and in addition to building the new infrastructure and improving road security, the project is expected to contribute to an expansion of trade between the countries by increasing coordination, reducing trade costs and time, and developing regional value chains.

While significant efforts are deployed towards vaccination and economic recovery, the World Bank is also helping countries ensure that vulnerable populations are not left behind. In the coming months, support for education will be critical as children of poorer families are likely to have more challenges with distance learning and drop-out permanently from school, especially girls.

In Angola, a $250 million project aims to empower and educate girls, who are often excluded from the development process because of early pregnancies.

Deeper debt relief

In Sudan, a country that is restoring relationships with international financial institutions and navigating a delicate economic situation, we are providing $820 million in grants to deliver cash transfers and improve safety net systems to support families so the country can rebuild in an inclusive manner.

It is also worth mentioning three other initiatives supporting economic recovery:

Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), allows eligible countries to request a temporary suspension of debt service payments owed to bilateral official creditors. The Common Framework for Debt Treatments beyond DSSI focuses on countries in need of deeper debt relief (solvency issues) and facilitates debt restructuring on a case by case basis.

The 20th replenishment of the International Development Association — through which World Bank offers grants and concessional credits to low-income countries — is expected to increase the availability of financing over the coming years by more than $12 billion.

Covid-19 is a once-in-a-lifetime pandemic that has brought vast challenges and impacted us all, especially the poor and most vulnerable people. We have a significant opportunity to focus on building a resilient and inclusive recovery in Eastern and Southern Africa.

Humberto Lopez is the World Bank Director of Strategy and Operations, Eastern and Southern Africa

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Even with your warts and faults, you wowed us a lot; go well, PO

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By JENERALI ULIMWENGU

I remember vividly this particular afternoon in late 1972, in the offices of the Daily News as I sat down next to this man who was asking me funny questions about my name.

“General Ulimwengu?” he was asking. “No’,” he said, “that won’t do in a column’.”

I protested that was the name given me by my father and I had no reason to change it. At which he asked me, “How does your mum pronounce it?” and I replied, “Something close to Jenerari’,” and he said, “Then that is your name,” but it will have to be “Jenerali” to be proper.

It was Philip Ochieng, who died a few days ago in Kenya. He was looking for someone he would leave his column The way I see it, to, which he had turned into an institution. It was a must read, especially by the “illuminati” of Dar, a small, informal, ill-defined group of would-be thinkers who met quite often over beer and Konyagi to right the wrongs of the world in the heyday of Julius Nyerere’s Ujamaa and African liberation.

That is the genesis of my Swahilised name, and after I’d used it for a couple of months, it became my official name, such that even as I was getting my next passport, no one required me to swear an affidavit for name change. It was taken for granted because I had earned something of a status, the man who had taken over from PO.

Philip was indeed an institution. Every Friday his writing would get the Dar “elite” chattering. For the small community of expatriates and the locals who dared to think independently outside of the “Nyerere” box, Friday evening was time for “communion” wherein drink-ups would be flavoured by aficionados who tried to grapple with the kind of English Philip used, and the avantgarde notions he espoused about the brotherhood (and sisterhood, he would add) of man, the power of the intellect and the debilitating effects of the “reactionaries” in Nyerere’s, government which would be pretty much everyone except “Mwalimu” himself.

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Erudite to a fault, he still seemed to have gone through world universities without obtaining a degree, for some reason or other. He had been to the US on the Tom Mboya airlift, (alongside Barack Obama Snr) where indiscipline had his studies discontinued, and then had gone to Sorbonne, where he said he was caught up in the May 1968 “revolution” of students and workers against Charles de Gaulle’s long rule and had him expelled from France, and later, (after he had been in Tanzania) tried East Germany, which he left with a good understanding of the language of Baron Wolfgang von Goethe, but no graduation papers.

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Philip was for a long time a committed Bohemian who did not believe in God, a logical enough thing for someone who thought so much and questioned everything he came in contact with. He carried his atheism on his sleeve, which caused some consternation among some of his admirers.

His particular passion was language, from Dholuo to English, to French and German, seemingly loving all three equally. He managed to find some esoteric relationship, for instance, between Dholuo and some Nordic language!

He could be arrogant too, especially with those poor Britishers who hadn’t mustered the Queen’s English. He would shout from the other end of the newsroom, “Hey, Macaulay, who taught you English? This is just no way to treat our own language, the tongue of Chaucer and Old Albion; come here, I’ll teach you!”

To paraphrase him, it was not his duty to lower his writing to a level where he could be understood by those who did not want to take the bother of learning. Rather it was the responsibility of those who were deficient in linguistic skills to bring themselves up to scratch.

He could be abrasive to a worrying extent. Such as when he attacked Sidney Poitier, the American screen star when he and Harry Belafonte were in town on Nyerere’s invitation. The slightly built Philip just pointed his crooked index finger at the African American hunk, and volunteered to inform him, “You are an Uncle Tom, you are a disgrace. You do whatever the Hollywood slavers tell you to do.”

Some of us were cringing as Sidney seethed and threatened to destroy “this little man.”

Eventually, when Philip was leaving Tanzania because the establishment could stand him no more, I wrote a farewell piece in his erstwhile column. It was titled “Be thou ambassadeur de la revolution,” which mission he obviously betrayed after he became Daniel arap Moi’s mouthpiece in the latter’s war against the Paul Muites, Gitobu Imanyaras, and James Orengos, who Philip derisively dubbed “the Young Turks.”

I have no way of knowing whether he later rued that commerce with the Devil, though he could not have missed the screaming irony of the “Uncle Tom” label plastered all over him by his compatriots for entering a Faustian compact with Moi…

Go well, Philip, with your warts and faults, a lot of times you wowed us! May you lie in the bosom of Okot P’Bitek, Tennessee William and Oscar Wilde, (y)our comrades!

Jenerali Ulimwengu is now on YouTube via jeneralionline tv. E-mail: [email protected]

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EDITORIAL: Farmaajo’s flip flop is a band-aid, saves situation for now

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By The EastAfrican

Calm was returning to Mogadishu after President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo backpedalled on his bid to defer elections by two years. He ruffled the roost on April 12, when he endorsed a resolution by the Lower House of Parliament to extend his and MPs’ tenure by two years.

Violent protests erupted in Mogadishu last weekend to denounce the move. They were organised by his archrival, former president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who lost to Farmaajo in 2017. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s loss came in the second round voting in a race that featured more than 20 candidates. While the protesters might have punched above their weight, they are far from being representative of war-weary mainstream Somali society. In the polarised atmosphere, however, President Farmaajo’s feint is more of a tactical manoeuvre than an admission of defeat.

His capitulation buys Somalia temporary calm but does not take away the elephant in the room. It also comes at the expense of the average Somali who has now been disenfranchised by the reversion to clan-based elections. Sheikh Mohamud and his allies in Puntland and Jubbaland are opposed to universal adult suffrage in favour of a system where the clans elect the head of state and delegates to parliament. Their gamble is that they have some leverage in such an election against a popular Farmaajo. The opposition to Farmaajo’s extension of his tenure should not be seen through the prism of constitutionalism but rather vested interests. Since September 2020, the deadlock in Mogadishu has been about the electoral system. While the new constitution provides for one man one vote, a number of actors prefer the clan-based system in the hope that they will manipulate the election.

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President Farmaajo has decided to call his detractors’ bluff. They must now face him in an election on their terms. If the House endorses his call for elections, the question now is what will happen if he wins it?

Sheikh Mohamud lost the 2017 elections as voters protested corruption, maladministration and extravagant use of official powers. With that background, it is probable that Farmaajo will win another term, but his victory will be rejected outright his competitors. These developments create more uncertainty about Somalia’s future and international stakeholders need to prepare for the long haul. The latest clashes have already pulled the brakes on Amisom’s pullout plan, which was scheduled for later this year.

There is a silver lining to this showdown. The result of the next election, due in maybe another five months, should clearly show Somalia’s preference. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is from Galmudug state, where Mogadishu is located. His allies holding out in Puntland and Jubbaland are actually in the minority.

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The contest at hand is between the old and the new. Somalia either goes back to clan politics — which bred the instability that turned the country into a haven and frontline for international terrorism — or adopts a system that demands accountability from disposable leaders.

All international actors should unite around a common objective of ensuring the elections are transparent to the extent that they possibly produce a result that represents the aspirations of the people. Otherwise Farmaajo’s concession this week will all be in vain.

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