The finer details of the secret meeting held on Monday, January 27 between Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto at State House, Nairobi can finally be revealed.
A telephone call where the president asked Ruto whom he referred to by his first name, William, was all that was required for the DP to cut short his planned trip to Naivasha to address rebel MPs backing his 2022 presidential bid.
It was a meeting where tempers flared with an angry president daring his deputy to decamp from the Jubilee Party if he felt he was being mistreated and in return the DP demanding to know who was in charge of the country – Uhuru or opposition leader Raila Odinga.
Uhuru told his deputy that he is the Jubilee party leader, and would remain so, and dared him to decamp to another outfit, stating that filling the gap he would leave behind would be easy.
He told the deputy president that he entered into a pact with Raila on March 9 2018 in his capacity as Jubilee party leader and Raila as the ODM leader had no apologies for doing so.
The president demanded to know why Ruto was reading mischief in all his undertakings that he said were meant to foster national unity including the March 9 2018 handshake with Raila. Due to the bitter spat at State House with Ruto remaining adamant that he is opposed to handshake and the current shape BBI is taking, Uhuru was forced to declare in Nyandarua he would not support anybody for presidency.
During 2017, Uhuru had publicly assured he would rule for 10 years and Ruto for another 10. Weekly Citizen has information, Ruto left State House a dejected person after the five-hour visit that saw him being kept for four good hours as he was told the president was held in security briefs that was paramount to the entire country than an individual.After the security briefs, Ruto was ushered in a meeting that took less the 40 minutes.
Other sources say, State House handlers kept Ruto waiting by engaging Uhuru in many meetings to cool his tempers going by the president’s mood the previous night and morning. Uhuru was bitter the Naivasha rebel Jubilee meeting had been organised without his blessings.
A furious Uhuru who caught Ruto offguard reprimanded his deputy for allegedly launching premature presidential campaigns, telling him that he is not sincere in his support for the Big 4 agenda which will define his legacy. It is on this reference that while in Nyandarua, Uhuru claimed that he had sent his men to initiate development projects only for them to betray him and turn hynaes. Others however saw this as Uhuru’s way of looking for an excuse for not delivering. It was also curious that the clip on Uhuru making these remarks in Nyandarua was in the bush and it seemed care was taken not to show the supposed crowd Uhuru was addressing from where only 10 or so voices could be heard concurring to Uhuru’s question-fashioned address. For the whole of Uhuru’s second term, there has been talk that his Central backyard is not happy with him and that the locals are feeling shortchanged by his leadership that they say has impoverished them. Indeed, songs to that effect have been sung with singers castigating the handshake and hurling curses to the ruling elite surrounding Uhuru with one song telling the “oppressors” that they will be going to India for treatment on their feet only to return in coffins. It is pointer that the ground in Central has shifted under Uhuru that there are leaders there who are openly defying Uhuru.
It was not out of nowhere then that at the State House confrontation, head of state told the DP that he had information he was planning to bankroll legislators to impeach him, and even named Bahati MP Kimani Ngunjiri as the one who exposed the matter when he boasted in Naivasha that the Tanga Tanga had the numbers to send the president home if he kept misbehaving.
Indeed, to send a message to Ruto, the move by senate to impeach former Kiambu governor Ferdinand Waititu was aimed at telling Ruto that even if he boasts to have numbers in parliament and goes ahead to impeach Uhuru, the impeachment will land on senate where Uhuru and Raila control numbers.
Uhuru and Raila are said to have rallied senators on their side to humiliate Ruto in senate during the Waititu impeachment by personally making phone calls.
Uhuru dared Ruto to go ahead and marshal MPs to impeach him, telling him such maneuvers will hit a brick wall.
Uhuru made his deputy aware that he was privy to all the secret plans the Tanga Tanga had hatched, telling him the National Intelligence Service had information on their plots and would scuttle them.
But the deputy president assured the president that he had deep respect for him and his only worry was why he was sidelining him in state matters which was exposing him as a weakling.
Ruto went ahead and asked Uhuru why he has remained mum while Raila was moving round the country posing as the prime minister and having another centre of power where governors, ministers and politicans were visiting Raila Upper Hill office overstepping his office.
Ruto challenged Uhuru to rein in his close associates and some cabinet secretaries who were disrespecting him, noting that even junior government officials such as chiefs and their assistants had been directed to give his functions a wide berth.
Ruto named former Jubilee party vice-chair David Murathe and Internal cabinet secretary Fred Matiang’i and principal secretary Karanja Kibicho as some of those who were openly disrespecting him.
A troubled deputy president demanded to know why his boss had remained quiet even as junior government officials scaled down his security and were now in the process of cutting down the budget to his office.
He further asked the president why he was sending MPs such as Kieni’s Kanini Kega to give his contributions in functions the number two attended.
The deputy president was referring to an incident during the funeral of Mathira MP Rigathi Gachagua’s mother where the Kieni MP handed over Sh500,000 saying the president sent him to take the donation to the grieving family. Ruto was at the funeral.
The Kieni MP further gave another donation in Laikipia during the funeral of a former TNA official saying the president had sent him to take the money.
But the president told Ruto to stop the insubordination as well as frustrating his unity efforts, reminding him that Kenyans elected him to lead the country and there was no co-president.
He told him if he thought he was going to stop him from working with Raila in the unity bid, he was daydreaming.
The president told his deputy that he tolerated him during his first time, where he was even referring to him as a drunkard.
He told him he was in charge and not obligated to consult him or anyone else in running the government.
On Building Bridges Initiative, Uhuru told Ruto that the BBI brigade was singing his tune and he either joins them or ships out.It has emerged, during reent cabinet shuffle, Uhuru never consulted Ruto.
The BBI has also been a bone in contention for Ruto and his allies, who asserted that they would join BBI rallies.
Senate majority leader Kipchumba Murkomen a Ruto ally has led the DP’s brigade in attending BBI rallies in Mombasa and Kitui. In Kitui, Gatundu South MP Moses Kuria was mishandled with host governor Charity Ngilu openly stating the presidency need to be respected and those abusing the president will not be allowed. Locals were left stunned that Ngilu is now singing praises to Uhuru yet only two years ago she had told them not to allow “katune” set foot in Kitui. Katune being reference the red colour of Jubilee.
Weekly Citizen has information, the BBI rallies by preRuto allies are likely not to take place as governors have been tasked to book all public avenues in respective areas to lock them out. If anyone doubted BBI was created purposely to finish Ruto, that confirms it.
And as part to reduce Ruto and his allies, the anti-corruption theme is to take centrestage and call to block corrupt faces not allowed to hold in public office. Insiders say, the recent decision to revive the Kenya Pipeline Company land case by DCI involving Ruto is part of the scheme.Infact reliable sources say, Uhuru was well briefed of the KPC land case saga involving his deputy and gave a green light. Uhuru even told them to investigate members of his family involved in graft as he has stated before. But this has been seen as a mockery to powerless Kenyans by Uhuru.
During the meeting, Uhuru told Ruto that the impeachment of former Kiambu governor Waititu would go on and will be followed by the prosecution of other governors involved in corruption after Ruto tried to come to his rescue.
The president had abruptly summoned his deputy to State House after he got briefs whether true or false tha Ruto was on his way to board a chopper to head to Naivasha to close the rebel Jubilee Party MPs meeting.
The over 170 pro-Ruto MPs had converged in Naivasha for a two-day retreat which they had dubbed a parliamentary group meeting a day after a BBI rally held at Mama Ngina Waterfront, Mombasa, which some of them attended.
The Naivasha meeting was to come up with the official Jubilee position on the BBI scenarios to be presented to the Haji committee and also chart out a roadmap for Ruto’s 2022 electoral victory.
But Jubilee party secretary general Raphael Tuju disowned the meeting, saying it did not have the party’s top command blessings.
Tuju, according to sources, drafted the press briefing disowning the meeting together with State House officials.
The previous Sunday, Uhuru and Ruto had met when they attended the installation ceremony of presiding Bishop Abraham Mulwa at AIC Milimani.
Before then, the duo had not appeared together in public since December 19, during a cabinet meeting.
But Uhuru, according to sources, had contemplated skipping the AIC function when he learnt that his deputy would be in attendance. In fact, we information that at one time last year, he was surprised when at State House to find Machakos governor Alfred Mutua present. Mutua was later to claim Ruto threatened him and the matter was to be reported at Kilimani Police station. Mutua was at State House with Raila.
Back at AIC Milimani Nairobi function, Uhuru close aides convinced him to attend the ceremony, reminding him that his mentor, former president Daniel arap Moi, was a staunch faithful of the church and would have attended the ceremony had it not been for his poor health.
Moi’s favourite son, Gideon Moi, who doubles up as the Baringo senator represented his father at the ceremony.
But throughout the ceremony, Uhuru appeared uncomfortable with the presence of his deputy and this explains why he requested to be allowed to make his speech and then leave to attend to family matters.
The president left the congregation in stitches as he explained his decision to speak before the end of the service where Bishop Mulwa was also installed as presiding bishop of AIC, taking over from Silas Yego who retired in December 2019 after serving for 18 years.
Yego, in the middle of the service, told congregants that Uhuru had another event to attend as he invited him to speak.
Uhuru evoked laughter as he told the church the trouble he would face if he missed a family function he was to attend after the service, further joking about taking family matters seriously with retirement on the horizon.
The president was escorted out of the church by Ruto along with a large entourage.
The deputy president returned to the service and addressed the congregants towards the end of the service.
According to sources, Uhuru, who left the service accompanied by senior government officials, briefed the family members over his decision to abandon Ruto and back Raila.
Among the family members present were his mother
, Mama Ngina Kenyatta, brother, Muhoho and uncle, Muhoho Kenyatta.
The family members reportedly backed his decision to abandon Ruto, a decision he declared for the first time. Sources say that Uhuru is aware those who surround Ruto have one agenda that once Ruto is in power, the issue of land ownership in Kenya will be addressed within Ruto first 100 days in power. The matter had been touched in the BBI report presented at Bomas that was proposing implementation of Ndungu land report that the leaders consider a bomb. It is said that the Ndungu report will be expunged from the new BBI report.
It is said Ruto will craft new landlaws with maximum number of hectares one needs to own. Here, the Kenyatta and Moi families, together with multi-national firms in central and Rift Valley will be the most affected.
The multi-nationals in Kenya are mainly from Western capitals and are not comfortable with Ruto presidency seen as a populist and a darling of a section of less privileged.
A few days after the service, a bitter Ruto dismissed claims their marriage with Uhuru was over.
Ruto said as far as he knew, he was only married to one wife – Rachel – and not anyone else.
“I have heard many stories, and I have read many headlines – the marriage has died. My friend, Uhuru Kenyatta is married to Margaret; and I am married to Rachael,” he said.
Sources say that Uhuru has declared war on Ruto and his allies and will not mind even if he is called a dictator using state machinery and threats to intimidate perceived enemies. To this, many take comfort in that power is not anyone’s mother’s property and soon it is gone leaving one asking just like everyone else what is going on. Uhuru recently, he reprimanded Bahati MP Ngunjiri, a Ruto ally, when he toured the constituency.
The MP was recently summoned to the Rift Valley Directorate of Criminal Investigations offices and ordered to surrender his firearms after the gun licence he got in 1993 was revoked.
His bodyguards were taken and was grilled over remarks he made at a press conference that Ruto was kicked out of a government house in Mombasa early this year.
Last week, a similar fate befell Nyandarua MCAs after they were kicked out of a presidential function.
There was drama at Nyandarua county commissioner’s office in Ol Kalou town after the 10 MCAs allied to the Tanga Tanga wing of Jubilee Party were chased away by security official’s minutes before kickoff of the presidential function.
The more than 10 MCAs were to sit at the dais set aside for them when security officers confronted them and ejected them out.
Ol Kalou MP Ken Mukira was also ejected out of the function.
For now, it appears Uhuru is keen to whittle down Ruto’s influence not only in Mount Kenya region but nationally. Aware Ruto enjoys MPs’ support in parliament; Uhuru has brought governors on his side and now senators. Uhuru met governors in Mombasa and gave them powers to coordinate BBI activities across counties and regionally.
In fact, it is said that the anti-Ruto schemers argue that the MPs are just after the DP handouts and will bold out from his camp after draining his financial pockets. Another plot is to plant powerful faces in pro –Ruto MP constituencies and start campaigning now to force the mps retreat to grassroot and abandon Ruto.
But as the war to tame Ruto intensifies, security briefs the deputy in command controls Rift Valley, Central Kenya and Meru and Embu regions. To complicate matters is the report that if Uhuru and Raila do not back a Luhya for presidency in 2022, Ruto will grab the presidential votes in the region.
ANC leader Musalia Mudavadi and ODM deputy leader Kakamega governor Wycliffe Oparanya have declared interest for the top political seat with Muadavadi having the upper hand.
Another brief is that in Ukambani, if Kalonzo factor is not well addressed in the Uhuru succession matrix by pitting him against governors Charity Ngilu, Alfred Mutua and Kivutha Kibwana in the BBI politics, the former vice president is likely to team up with Ruto and complicate matters for those opposed to Ruto’s bid for the presidency. This task has been left to Raila as Kalonzo cluelessly calls him “brother”.
This is how Uhuru controls the senate and he is able to tell Ruto off. A team that voted for the Waititu ouster motion, on the other hand, comprised Kieleweke political wing of Jubilee, ODM and Wiper members.
They included Reubenson Kibiru (Kirinyaga), Adan Fatuma (Isiolo), Mutula Kilonzo (Makueni), Kimani Wamatangi (Kiambu), Ephraim Maina (Nyeri), Ibrahim Ali (Wajir), Yusuf Haji (Garissa), Boy Issa Juma (Kwale), Mwadzayo Mwachirifu (Kilifi), Cleopas Malala (Kakamega), Okong’o Mogeni (Nyamira), Gideon Moi (Baringo), Boniface Mutinda (Machakos), Mwashushe Mwaruma (Taita), Mwinyi Faki (Mombasa), Moses Kajwang’ (Homa Bay), Njeru Ndwiga (Embu), Ledama Olekina (Narok), Samson Ongeri (Kisii), James Orengo (Siaya), Samuel Poghisio (West Pokot), Johnson Sakaja (Nairobi), Margaret Jepkoech (Uasin Gishu) Amos Wako (Busia), Enock Wambua (Kitui) and George Khaniri (Vihiga).
The Ruto side has
- Samson Cherargei (Nandi), Aaron Cheruiyot (Kericho), Hargura Godana (Marsabit), Susan Kihika (Nakuru), Andrew Langat (Bomet), Mithika Linturi (Meru), Anwar Loitiptip (Lamu), Kipchumba Murkomen (Elgeyo Marakwet), Kinyua Nderitu (Laikipia), Mary Yone (Nominated), Moses Wetang’ula (Bungoma)
The neutrals in the senate who did not vote are Beth Mugo (nominated), Abshiro Halake (nominated) , Isaac Mwaura (Nominated), Rose Nyamunga (nominated), Gertrude Musuruve (Nominated)
Joho works on Coast 2022 lineup – Weekly Citizen
Mombasa governor Hassan Joho has renewed his war against Coast elected leaders who are perceived to be supportive of William Ruto’s 2022 Presidential bid. Currently, Kwale Governor Salim Mvurya is under siege from hostile MCAs suspected to be under instructions of Joho through county speaker Sammy Ruwa.
Ruwa has been a longtime Joho sidekick and has also acted as his legal adviser in the past. He has been fronted for governor seat twice but rejected. He is speaker for a second term. Towards the end of Mvurya’s first term, he has been a Ruto man. He has no time for Joho, insisting Kwale is not an extension of Mombasa county. In the last general elections, Joho had vowed to ensure Mvurya was defeated at the ballot. But this was never to be after the Mombasa governor fell out with Chirau Mwakwere who was a sure bet against Mvurya on the then popular ODM ticket.
After Mwakwere bolted out of ODM to Wiper, Joho turned to little known Issa Chipera as party candidate. Chipera literally became minced meat for Mvurya who easily beat him and made a comeback on a Jubilee ticket. Mvurya is grooming his deputy Fatuma Achani to succeed him in the next general election but observers say this is a tall order. Joho on the other hand is reportedly pushing Crop Development PS Hamad Boga for the Kwale seat against Mvurya’s candidate and Mwakwere. Another Ruto man on Joho’s radar is Kaloleni MP Paul Katana. Recently, the legislator was discharged as a member of the parliamentary investment committee in actions said to have the Mombasa governor’s hand.
Ironically, Katana was Joho’s PA when he served as Kisauni MP. But it appears other than fighting Katana for aligning himself with Ruto, he never wanted him to be MP in the first place. In the 2013 general election when Katana first contested and lost to little known Gunga Mwinga, there were allegations that ODM insiders had rigged him out. Currently, Joho is said to be financing the political activities of Mwinga to undermine Katana in the constituency. Katana has said severally that his cooperation with Ruto is because of the handshake between Raila Odinga and President Uhuru Kenyatta. “I’m a loyal member of ODM with full respect to my party leader. I also support the handshake and that is why I have been working with DP Ruto to further development in my constituency,” the legislator was quoted as saying.
He has also said his cooperation with Ruto is not for selfish reasons but for the benefit of his constituents. He says the DP has presided over high profile funds drives towards public projects in his constituency. The MP says some of the people fighting him have never assisted Kaloleni to move forward but wants leaders who can bootlick them.“I’m independent-minded and I work for the interest of my people who elected me and have no time for sycophancy,” Katana says. Mohammed Ali of Nyali constituency and a close ally of the DP is another one whom Joho is scheming against. He is pushing his cousin Said Abdalla aka Saido against the Jicho Pevu.
Jicho Pevu’s recent rising political profile after he filed a motion to impeach transport CS James Macharia over chaos at Mombasa port has alarmed the Joho camp. In spite of the rejection of the motion by Speaker Justin Muturi, Ali has become a hero in Mombasa. Last week, pro-Joho Mombasa MPs led by Mvita’s Abdulswamad Nassir were doing damage control. They toured the port and pleaded with the KPA management to put out a notice affirming that usage of SGR for containers upcountry was optional. This was meant to cool the heat against them after residents began collecting signatures to recall them for failing to support Jicho Pevu motion. Another Joho political foe Aisha Jumwa of Malindi constituency is politically wounded and the Mombasa governor no longer cares what she does or says. The Malindi MP’s self-inflicted woes have dimmed her 2022 Kilifi governor bid.
Fresh political formation in Siaya ahead of 2022 – Weekly Citizen
There are plans afoot to drop Alego Usonga MP Samuel Atandi from a leading role in Senator James Orengo gubernatorial campaign team. Observers point that the surprising decision was reached after it became clear that the controversial legislator was no longer appealing to the majority of voters.
There were earlier reports of an inside analysis conducted within Siaya senator campaign inner circle that hinted the disadvantages of trusting the MP with a major role yet he was also facing stiff opposition from notable politicians in the region. The development debate comes hot on the heels of a video that went viral showing the evidently intoxicated legislator dancing suggestively during a house party attended by women, as his Gem counterpart Elisha Odhiambo cheered. Weekly Citizen has established that political formations are already regrouping in Siaya ahead of 2022 general election and a section of political leaders including top ODM party officials from Alego Usonga are not happy with Atandi’s quick move to front Senator Orengo for the county’s governorship.
Area governor Cornell Rasanga has confronted the lawmaker on a number of occasions describing his early campaigns in support of Orengo as a lack of respect for his office. The protest by the governor sparked off an anti-Atandi wave as he was immediately joined by a host of formidable politicians from Alego Usonga in castigating the MP accused of overstepping his political mandate. The local ODM party leadership led by Alego Usonga branch chairman John Orwenjo, and secretary Paul Jura reaffirmed that the party had crowned Rasanga as their bona fide patron and it was, therefore, his duty to offer political direction on matters regarding his successor. The Orengo-led group which also brings together Gem MP Elisha Odhiambo and his Rarieda counterpart Otiende Amollo has been roundly accused of leading early full-scale political activities at the expense of development.
MCAs chairman Sylvester Madialo warned Atandi to stop creating confusion among voters, adding he should hold his horse and wait for the party whistle to be blown or prepare to equally lose his seat at the ballot. The leaders including Township MCA Obiero Otare, Vincent Odawa (North Alego), Judy Okumu (West Alego), Joseph Mboha (South East Alego), and Winnie Otieno (nominated) have loudly questioned how Atandi would deliver for Orengo when he is standing on a politically shaky ground. It is claimed that the Siaya senator blocked Atandi from using his chopper to escape from a crowd that turned rowdy during a food distribution to flood victims in his constituency. It is reported that trouble started after the MP barred Usonga ward MCA Madialo from addressing his voters after the food distribution. People with disabilities who had attended the event reportedly bayed for his blood after he gave them a paltry sh100 prompting Orengo to deny the lawmaker a chopper ride in fear that associating with him would jeopardize his 2022 governorship bid.
Rogue Kisumu NGO’s money minting gimmicks – Weekly Citizen
Various stakeholders and residents of Kisumu county have called upon Nyanza regional police commander Noah Mwivanda and his DCI counterpart Daniel Kipsoi, to investigate the activities of the chairman of an NGO called Magnum Environment Network Michael Nyaguti. The NGO, it is claimed, is a briefcase one with no donor funding surviving fully on extortion and threats. By last week, a victim was planning to institute private criminal charges against the NGO.
They are accusing Nyaguti of extortion and blackmail of people under the guise of encroaching on water catchment areas and flouting environmental laws failure of which he always resorts to going to courts as an interested party of the said social vice. One of the victims narrated that sometimes back, he was developing rental houses near Lake Victoria and had been given all the required documents from the county, Nema, and all relevant authorities to commence his work only for Nyaguti to appear menacing at the site with a group of people he called officials of Magnum Environment Network accompanied by some people who looked like police officers who demanded that I show them documents in regard to what I was doing. Most developers ranging from real estate to hospitable industries are saying that they are really undergoing rough times in the hands of the said Nyaguti who on most occasions is accompanied by some rogue police officers who intimidate and threaten their respective targets with arrests. The said Nyaguti had sometimes back attempted to extort Sh5 million each from former governors Evans Kidero and Jack Ranguma, together with a senior leading civil servant under the guise that they had bought land which should have been part of Lake Victoria.
When the trio was adamant that they would not give him any money, he sued them saying they had encroached on wetlands. The same Nyaguti also sued the Kisumu county government and Nyanza Golf Club which he accused of reclaiming the wetland at the mouth of River Kisat without convening a public participatory forum, as part extortion antics but his bid has fallen on deaf ears. He had also sued Kenya Ports Authority, Kisumu after the parastatal had ordered beach management units out of its land after collecting thousands of shillings from the said victims. Recently together with other activists, they stormed Western offices of Kenya Wildlife Service demanding that they investigate a ring of cartels believed to be working in cahoots with officers to defraud victims of wildlife attacks of their compensation. After his request was rejected, he called a meeting in Kisumu with some of the victims who had not been paid and tried to convince them to give him the power of attorney so that he could press them for their payment. Efforts to get Nyaguti’s comments were fruitless while a senior KWS officer said that they have a clear policy on how KWS compensates. “KWS has no agreement with anyone to peruse payments,” he said.
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