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AMUKE: Let Kenya be friends with DR Congo, but not join its looters




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On Thursday, the Democratic Republic of Congo’s President Felix Tshisekedi left Nairobi after a two-day official visit. Tshisekedi, who was sworn in on January 24, seemed to be on a quick mission to consolidate his presidency. His ascent to power is still being challenged back home in Kinshasa by the opposition coalition’s Martin Fayulu, who the DR Congo’s Catholic Church tally and leaked electoral commission data published by the UK’s Financial Times showed was ahead of the pack.

Before DR Congo’s apex court affirmed Tshisekedi’s election, the African Union had issued a cautionary statement, putting doubt on his win. But all this seems to be water under the bridge, with Tshisekedi having jumped on the earliest opportunity to pay a visit to President Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga, the latter wearing the twin hats of opposition leader and African Union Special Envoy for Infrastructure.

Uhuru and Raila were some of the first leaders from the continent to congratulate Tshisekedi on his election, both of them being among the handful regional leaders who attended the new president’s swearing-in. One hopes that in their new friendship with Tshisekedi, Uhuru and Raila will make a point of advising him to reach out to the now highly popular Fayulu, who has refused to concede and declined to shake Tshisekedi’s hand, saying the man has blood on his hands. As a result, DR Congo remains a divided country.

By all means, Nairobi seems to have a special place in Tshisekedi’s heart. Late last year, a number of leading Congolese politicians, including former Katanga governor and businessman Moïse Katumbi, former rebel leader Jean Pierre Bemba, Tshisekedi and his electoral opponent Martin Fayulu met in the Belgian capital Brussels, where they agreed to unite and support Fayulu as the joint opposition candidate, against President Joseph Kabila’s handpicked successor Emmanuel Shadary.

It didn’t take long before Tshisekedi — whose supporters felt was more suited to be the opposition’s candidate than the at the time little-known Fayulu — reneged. Tshisekedi retreated to Nairobi, where he emerged with a new election plan, choosing to stand against the united opposition coalition, Lamuka, which means wake up. Armed with that Nairobi plan, Tshisekedi emerged the surprise winner in the polls, with pundits believing he could have entered into a secret deal with President Joseph Kabila, for the latter to facilitate Tshisekedi’s win, and for Tshisekedi to guarantee Kabila’s immunity against investigation and prosecution.


For now, depending on what course of action Fayulu and his supporters decide on, Tshisekedi seems to have firmly sat on the seat of power, and from the look of things — going by his hitting-the-ground-running attitude — he seems ready for business, with Kenya and others.

Aside from murmurs regarding Tshisekedi’s special connections to Nairobi, the fact that he launched his presidential bid from Kenya’s capital and chose Kenya as one of his first destinations barely days upon assuming office sends a clear signal that going forward, the two countries may enjoy closer ties than ever before. This, by all means, is a welcome development. The Pan-African dream of Kwame Nkurumah and his cohort gains traction whenever African states work together.

By all estimates, DR Congo is one of the richest countries in the world, first courtesy of its abundant mineral deposits. This together with its humongous natural forests and the powerful Congo River, which is said to have capacity to produce enough hydroelectric power to supply electricity for the better part of Africa. Yet despite all these resources, DR Congo remains one of the countries with one of the poorest populations, thanks to the continued theft and plunder of the country’s wealth, abetted by its leaders for the most part.

Stealing from the DR Congo is an art that has been perfected over time, starting with King Leopold II, to whom the country was a piece of personal real estate. Then at independence, with the killing of the country’s first Prime Minister, Patrice Emery Lumumba, and ascension to power of Mobutu Sese Seko, who treated the country’s riches like personal property, the haemorrhage didn’t stop. And on and on.

At different times, accusing fingers have been pointed towards the Rwandan, Ugandan and Zimbabwean governments, whose top officials are alleged to have taken advantage of DR Congo’s volatile situation and participated in the illegal harvesting of either minerals or timber through proxies, most times aided by ragtag militias who control swathes of the country. Of course all the three governments have vehemently denied this version of events, but murmurs persist.

As Kenya becomes one of Tshisekedi’s favourites, suspicion will start arising as to the nature of this newfound love affair. It will be advisable for Kenya to be on the right side of history, by not joining those who have milked DR Congo dry. Ours should be an above board, mutually beneficial partnership.



Sordid tale of the bank ‘that would bribe God’




Bank of Credit and Commerce International. August 1991. [File, Standard]

“This bank would bribe God.” These words of a former employee of the disgraced Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) sum up one of the most rotten global financial institutions.
BCCI pitched itself as a top bank for the Third World, but its spectacular collapse would reveal a web of transnational corruption and a playground for dictators, drug lords and terrorists.
It was one of the largest banks cutting across 69 countries and its aftermath would cause despair to innocent depositors, including Kenyans.
BCCI, which had $20 billion (Sh2.1 trillion in today’s exchange rate) assets globally, was revealed to have lost more than its entire capital.
The bank was founded in 1972 by the crafty Pakistani banker Agha Hasan Abedi.
He was loved in his homeland for his charitable acts but would go on to break every rule known to God and man.
In 1991, the Bank of England (BoE) froze its assets, citing large-scale fraud running for several years. This would see the bank cease operations in multiple countries. The Luxembourg-based BCCI was 77 per cent owned by the Gulf Emirate of Abu Dhabi.  
BoE investigations had unearthed laundering of drugs money, terrorism financing and the bank boasted of having high-profile customers such as Panama’s former strongman Manual Noriega as customers.
The Standard, quoting “highly placed” sources reported that Abu Dhabi ruler Sheikh Zayed Sultan would act as guarantor to protect the savings of Kenyan depositors.
The bank had five branches countrywide and panic had gripped depositors on the state of their money.
Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) would then move to appoint a manager to oversee the operations of the BCCI operations in Kenya.
It sent statements assuring depositors that their money was safe.
The Standard reported that the Sheikh would be approaching the Kenyan and other regional subsidiaries of the bank to urge them to maintain operations and assure them of his personal support.
It was said that contact between CBK and Abu Dhabi was “likely.”
This came as the British Ambassador to the UAE Graham Burton implored the gulf state to help compensate Britons, and the Indian government also took similar steps.
The collapse of BCCI was, however, not expect to badly hit the Kenyan banking system. This was during the sleazy 1990s when Kenya’s banking system was badly tested. It was the era of high graft and “political banks,” where the institutions fraudulently lent to firms belonging or connected to politicians, who were sometimes also shareholders.
And even though the impact was expected to be minimal, it was projected that a significant number of depositors would transfer funds from Asian and Arab banks to other local institutions.
“Confidence in Arab banking has taken a serious knock,” the “highly placed” source told The Standard.
BCCI didn’t go down without a fight. It accused the British government of a conspiracy to bring down the Pakistani-run bank.  The Sheikh was said to be furious and would later engage in a protracted legal battle with the British.
“It looks to us like a Western plot to eliminate a successful Muslim-run Third World Bank. We know that it often acted unethically. But that is no excuse for putting it out of business, especially as the Sultan of Abu Dhabi had agreed to a restructuring plan,” said a spokesperson for British Asians.
A CBK statement signed by then-Deputy Governor Wanjohi Murithi said it was keenly monitoring affairs of the mother bank and would go to lengths to protect Kenyan depositors.
“In this respect, the CBK has sought and obtained the assurance of the branch’s management that the interests of depositors are not put at risk by the difficulties facing the parent company and that the bank will meet any withdrawal instructions by depositors in the normal course of business,” said Mr Murithi.
CBK added that it had maintained surveillance of the local branch and was satisfied with its solvency and liquidity.
This was meant to stop Kenyans from making panic withdrawals.
For instance, armed policemen would be deployed at the bank’s Nairobi branch on Koinange Street after the bank had announced it would shut its Kenyan operations.
In Britain, thousands of businesses owned by British Asians were on the verge of financial ruin following the closure of BCCI.
Their firms held almost half of the 120,000 bank accounts registered with BCCI in Britain. 
The African Development Bank was also not spared from this mess, with the bulk of its funds deposited and BCCI and stood to lose every coin.
Criminal culture
In Britain, local authorities from Scotland to the Channel Islands are said to have lost over £100 million (Sh15.2 billion in today’s exchange rate).
The biggest puzzle remained how BCCI was allowed by BoE and other monetary regulation authorities globally to reach such levels of fraudulence.
This was despite the bank being under tight watch owing to the conviction of some of its executives on narcotics laundering charges in the US.
Coast politician, the late Shariff Nassir, would claim that five primary schools in Mombasa lost nearly Sh1 million and appealed to then Education Minister George Saitoti to help recover the savings. Then BoE Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton condemned it as so deeply immersed in fraud that rescue or recovery – at least in Britain – was out of the question.
“The culture of the bank is criminal,” he said. The bank was revealed to have targeted the Third World and had created several “institutional devices” to promote its operations in developing countries.
These included the Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies, a British-registered charity.
“It allowed it to cultivate high-level contacts among international statesmen,” reported The Observer, a British newspaper.
BCCI also arranged an annual Third World lecture and a Third World prize endowment fund of about $10 million (Sh1 billion in today’s exchange rate).
Winners of the annual prize had included Nelson Mandela (1985), sir Bob Geldof (1986) and Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1989).
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Monitor water pumps remotely via your phone

Tracking and monitoring motor vehicles is not new to Kenyans. Competition to install affordable tracking devices is fierce but essential for fleet managers who receive reports online and track vehicles from the comfort of their desk.

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Agricultural Development Corporation Chief Accountant Gerald Karuga on the Spot Over Fraud –




Gerald Karuga, the acting chief accountant at the Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), is on the spot over fraud in land dealings.

ADC was established in 1965 through an Act of Parliament Cap 346 to facilitate the land transfer programme from European settlers to locals after Kenya gained independence.

Karuga is under fire for allegedly aiding a former powerful permanent secretary in the KANU era Benjamin Kipkulei to deprive ADC beneficiaries of their land in Naivasha.

Kahawa Tungu understands that the aggrieved parties continue to protest the injustice and are now asking the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission (EACC) and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) to probe Karuga.

A source who spoke to Weekly Citizen publication revealed that Managing Director Mohammed Dulle is also involved in the mess at ADC.

Read: Ministry of Agriculture Apologizes After Sending Out Tweets Portraying the President in bad light

Dulle is accused of sidelining a section of staffers in the parastatal.

The sources at ADC intimated that Karuga has been placed strategically at ADC to safeguard interests of many people who acquired the corporations’ land as “donations” from former President Daniel Arap Moi.

Despite working at ADC for many years Karuga has never been transferred, a trend that has raised eyebrows.

“Karuga has worked here for more than 30 years and unlike other senior officers in other parastatals who are transferred after promotion or moved to different ministries, for him, he has stuck here for all these years and we highly suspect that he is aiding people who were dished out with big chunks of land belonging to the corporation in different parts of the country,” said the source.

In the case of Karuga safeguarding Kipkulei’s interests, workers at the parastatals and the victims who claim to have lost their land in Naivasha revealed that during the Moi regime some senior officials used dubious means to register people as beneficiaries of land without their knowledge and later on colluded with rogue land officials at the Ministry of Lands to acquire title deeds in their names instead of those of the benefactors.

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“We have information that Karuga has benefitted much from Kipkulei through helping him and this can be proved by the fact that since the matter of the Naivasha land began, he has been seen changing and buying high-end vehicles that many people of his rank in government can’t afford to buy or maintain,” the source added.

“He is even building a big apartment for rent in Ruiru town.”

The wealthy officer is valued at over Sh1.5 billion in prime properties and real estate.

Last month, more than 100 squatters caused scenes in Naivasha after raiding a private firm owned by Kipkulei.

The squatters, who claimed to have lived on the land for more than 40 years, were protesting take over of the land by a private developer who had allegedly bought the land from the former PS.

They pulled down a three-kilometre fence that the private developed had erected.

The squatters claimed that the former PS had not informed them that he had sold the land and that the developer was spraying harmful chemicals on the grass affecting their livestock and homes built on a section of the land.

Read Also: DP Ruto Wants NCPB And Other Agricultural Bodies Merged For Efficiency

Naivasha Deputy County Commissioner Kisilu Mutua later issued a statement warning the squatters against encroaching on Kipkuleir’s land.

“They are illegally invading private land. We shall not allow the rule of the jungle to take root,” warned Mutua.

Meanwhile, a parliamentary committee recently demanded to know identities of 10 faceless people who grabbed 30,350 acres of land belonging to the parastatal, exposing the rot at the corporation.

ADC Chairman Nick Salat, who doubles up as the KANU party Secretary-General, denied knowledge of the individuals and has asked DCI to probe the matter.

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William Ruto eyes Raila Odinga Nyanza backyard




Deputy President William Ruto will next month take his ‘hustler nation’ campaigns to his main rival, ODM leader Raila Odinga’s Nyanza backyard, in an escalation of the 2022 General Election competition.

Acrimonious fall-out

Development agenda

Won’t bear fruit

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